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ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 



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THE 



L I 



OF 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 

BY 

ABOTT A. ABOTT. 

Author of " The Statesmen of America," &c. 



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THE LIFE 

OP 



-», » > » >■»- 



CHAPTEE I. 

BIRTH AND TARENTAGE. 

Birth and Parentage. A Pioneers Life. Kentucky Jiftyyears Ago. 
Removed to Indiana. Making lioads. Farm Life. Flat-boatiny . lie- 
moved to Illinois He tend.<i Shop. He grows as tall as a Pine. Flat- 
boating again. Groios tired of splitting rails. Off to the Black Hawk 
War. 

Abraham Lincoln was born on the 12th of Febi-uaiy, 
1809, and is now, therefore, past fifty-five years of age. 

His parents were Thomas Lincoln, born in .Virginia, 
1778, and Nanc}^ Hanlis, also a Virginian, the date of 
whose birth is undcLcnnined. 

The ancestors of Thomas Lincoln were of English de- 
scent, as their name indicates. "We find the first traces of 
them in Pennsylvania, where, as Quakers, their faith na- 
turally led them to settle. 

About the year 1780, Abraham Lincoln, the grandflithcr 
of the subject of this volume, attracted by the accounts of 
the lovel}- and fertile country explored by Daniel Boone, 



12 , THE LIFE OP 

near the Kentuckj'- river, set out with his wife and several 
young children to find a now home in that vicinity which 
after gained the name of the " Dark and Bloody Ground." 

Lincoln was a frontiers-man, and had for several years 
previous to his removal to Kentucky, felled the woods and 
cleared the land which formed his homestead in the She- 
nandoah Valley of Virginia— that valley since rendered so 
memorahle in the war, which his grandson, the present 
Abraham, has conducted against the Southern rebels for 
Union and universal liberty. 

Kentucky was at that time a part of the Commonwealth 
of Virginia, so that in removing even so far away from his 
former home, Lincoln did not leave the State which had 
been his home for a time past, and in which his children 
had been born. 

Lincoln's home was somewhere on Floyd's Creek, and 
probably near its mouth, in what is now Bullitt County, 
not far distant from the subsequent site of Louisville. 

The sanguine hopes he had entertained in regai-d to the 
advantages of his new place of residence, were doomed 
never to be realized. The country was densely covered 
with pines, and infested with hostile Indians. Its fertility 
was inferior to that of the fair valley he had left behind 
him, while his pioneer labors had all to be begun over 
again. There were possibly other motives which induced 
his removal than those which proceeded from the hope of 
gaining a fairer field for his labor — but of these we have 
heard no mention. If any existed, they most likely arose 
from the poverty and pecuniary difficulties of the man, and 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 13 

the fondness he shared, with all the colonists of the time, 
for advouLure. 

His life was destined never to be passed in Kentucky. 
He bad scarcely marked out his settlement, and com- 
menced to clear it, when be was killed and scalped by an 
Indian. 

His widow thus suddenly bereaved and in a strange 
land, had now their three sons and two daughters left to 
her sole protection and care. Fearing to remain in a 
neighborhood which proved so fatal to their happiness and 
welfare, this hardy woman removed a few miles further 
South with her family, to what some eight or ten years af- 
terwards became Washington County. There the soil was 
more fruitful, and the neighborhood more settled. The 
family tlu'ove apace, and all reached mature age in time- 
The three sons were named Mordccai, Josiah, and Thomas. 
The daughters married, one to a man named Grume, the 
other to one named Bromfield — both backwoodsmen. 

In 1792, Kentucky became a separate State. Its popu- 
lation at the time numbered over a hundred thousand 
souls. This was scarcely thirty yeai's after it was settled 
by Boone. A period of discontent had followed the forma- 
tion of the Federal government, caused partly by the in- 
efficiency of the protection afforded by Virginia and the 
old Federal Congress against the inroad of the savages, 
and partly by the fear lest the central government should 
surrender the right to navigate the Mississippi to its 
mouth. This right of navigation was then shared with 
France, who owned the territory of Louisiana, and was at 
that time, owing to the entire absence of railways, or any 



14 THE LIFE OP 

kind of artificial bigli-waj's to the sea-board, of the greatest 
consequence to the interior of the Union. 

In 1806, Thomas Lincoln, then twenty-eight years of 
age, married Nancy Hanks. 

Three yeai"S afterwards, our hero first came to light in 
this world of mixed happiness and trouble. His parents 
were then living in what is now La Eue County, still fur- 
ther South than where the family had removed after 
grandfather Abraham Lincoln's death. Before Abraham, 
a girl had been born, who was two years older, and who 
grew up to womanhood, married, and died — though still 
young. Two years afterwards Abraham's little brother 
came into the world, but died in early childhood. Abra- 
ham remembers to have visited the grave of this child, 
along with his mother, before leaving Kentucky. 

Lalvue county, named from an early settler, John La- 
Rue, was set off and separately organized in 1843, the por- 
tion containing Mr. Lincoln's birthplace having been, up to 
that date, included in Hardin county. It is a rich gi'azing 
country in its more rolling or hilly parts, and the level 
surface produces good crops of corn and tob'acco. In the 
northern borders of the country, on the Eolling Fork of 
Salt river, is Muldrow's Hill, a noted eminence. Hodgen- 
ville, near which Abraham was born, is a pleasantly situa- 
ted town on Nolin creek, and a place of considerable busi- 
ness. About a mile above this town, on the creek, is a 
mound, or knoll, thirty feet above the banks of the 
stream, containing two acres of level ground, at the top of 
which there is now a house. Some of the early pioneers 
encamped on this knoll ; and but a short distance from it 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 15 

a foi't was erected by Philip Pliillips, an cmigrrnt from 
Pennsj'lvania, about ITi'^'O or 1781, when the elder Lincoln 
arrived from Virginia. John La Rne came from the latter 
State with a company of emigrants, and settled, not far 
from the same date, at Phillips' Fort. Robert Ilodgen 
La Rue's brother-in-law, purchased and occupied the land 
on which Ilodgenville Is built. 

It is neediest to rehearse the kind of life in which Abra- 
ham Lincoln was here trained. The picture is similar in 
all such settlements. In his case, there was indeed tho 
advantage of a generation or two of progress, since his 
grandfather had hazarded and lost his life in the then 
slightly broken wilderness. The State now numbered 
about 400,000 inhabitants, and had all the benefits of an 
efficient local administration, the want of which had 
greatly increased tho dangers and difficulties of the first 
settlers. Henry Clay, it may here be appropriately men- 
tioned, had already, though little more than thirty years 
of age, begun his brilliant political career, having then 
served for a year or two in the United States Senate. 

Yet with all these changes, the humble laborers, settled 
near " Hodgen Mills," on ISTolin creek, had no other lot 
but incessant toil, and a constant struggle with nature in 
the still imperfectly reclaimed wilds, for a plain subsist- 
ance. Here the boy spent the first years of his childhood. 
Before the date of his earliest distinct rccoUectiens, he re- 
moved with his father to a place six miles distant from 
Hodgenville, which was ere long to be surrendered, as we 
shall presently see, for a home in the far-off wilderness, 



16 THE LIFE OP 

and for frontier life, in its fullest and most significant 
meaning. 

The period of Abraham Lincoln's Kentuck}^ life extends 
through a little more than seven years, terminating with 
the autumn of 1816. 

In those days there were no common schools in that 
country, but education was by no meass disregarded, nor 
did young Lincoln, i)Oor as were his opportunities, grow 
iij) an illiterate boy, as some have supposed. Competent 
teachers were accustomed to offer themselves then, as in 
later years, who opened private schools for a neighbor- 
hood, being supporscd by tuition or subscription. During 
his boyhood days in Kentuclcy. Abraham Lincoln at- 
tended, at different times, at least two schools of this de- 
scription, of which he has clear recollections. One of them 
^^'as kept by Zacharia Einey, a Roman Catholic. But al- 
though this teacher was himself an ardent Catholic, he 
made no proselj^ting efforts la his school. Father Einey 
Avas probabl}^ in some wa}' connected Math the movement of 
the •' Trappists," wdio came to Kentucky in the autumn of 
lS'-'5, and founded an establishment ( abandoned some 
years later) under Urban Guillet, as superior, on Pottin- 
ger's Creek. They were active in promoting education, 
especial!}' among the poorer classes, and had a school for 
boys under their immediate supervision. Tliis, however, 
had been abandoned before the date of Lincoln's first 
school-days, and it is not improbable tliat the private 
scliools under Catholic teachers were an offshoot of the 
original system adopted by these Trappists, who subse- 
quently removed to Illinois. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 17 

Andther teacher, on whoso instructions the hoy after- 
wards attended, while living in Kentuclcy, was named Ca- 
leb Hazel. His was also a neighborhood school, sustained 
by private patronage. 

With the aid of these two schools, and with such further 
assistance as he received at honae, there is no doubt that 
he had become able to read well, though without having 
made any great literary progress, at the age of seven. 
That he was not a dull or inapt scholar, is manifest from 
his subsequent attainments. With the alluremenes of the 
rifle and the wild game which then abounded in the 
country, however, and with the meagre advantages he 
had, in regard to books, it is certain that his perceptive 
faculties and his muscular powers, were much more fully 
developed by exercise than his scholastic talents. 

While he lived in Kentucky, he never saw even the ex- 
terior of what was properly a church edifice. The reli- 
gious services ho attended were held either at a private 
dwelling, or in some log school-house. 

Unsatisfactory results of these many years' toil on the 
lands of Nolin Creek, or a restless spirit of adventure and 
fondness for more genuine pioneer excitements than this 
region continued to afford, led Thomas Lincoln, now verg- 
iiig on the age of forty, and his son beginning to be of es- 
' scntial service in manual labor, to seek a new place of 
abode, far to the west, beyond the Ohio river. 

' Early in the autumn of 1816, Thomas Lincoln deter- 
mined to pull up stakes as his fathers had done, and emi- 
grate to some new wild. The game was getting scarce, 
and people began to live uncomfortably near to each 



18 THE LIFE OP 

oilier. A backwoodsman can endure a neighbor within 
twenty miles or so of hina, but when they begin to settle 
any closer, he feels too much crowded, and moves away 
to lonelier wilds. K 

Crossing the Ohio, then called the Beautiful River by 
the Indians, in an emigrant's wagon, the mother and 
daughter huddled with their beds and household utensils 
in the body of the vehicle, the father driving the jaded 
team, and the stripling keeping the indispensable cow up 
to her proper pace, his adventurous family safely reached 
the Indiana shore by means of a raft. They landed at the 
mouth of Anderson's Creek, about 140 miles below Louis- 
ville, by the river, but hardly 100 miles from their for- 
mer " clearing." '^ '^ 

Here their difficulties began. They were destined to a 
point near the present town of Yentryville, some twenty 
miles back from the river. The whole intermediate dis- 
tance was a dense forest. There was no helj) for it ; the 
road had to be cut through with the axe. 

The story goes that T-homas sold his farm in Kentucky 
for a lot of whiskey, but we can jSnd no substantial evi- 
dence for this vei'sion. His whiskey is said to have been 
lost while crossing the Ohio. But we discredit the entire 
tale. 

-In a week's time the arduous journey was performed, 
and the big-fisted Keutuckian had the satisfaction of reach- 
ing the scene of his future hopes without any fui'ther 
accident. During this period the lanky young Abraham, 
shoeless and hatless, made himself gonerall}'' useful in 

A pair of breeches a world too wide for his shruuken shanks. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 19 

^ These breeches, I'diching ueurly to his neck, were sup- 
ported by a single short strap over his shoulder, and with 
a cheeked shirt which the owner had. neglected to send to 
the laundry for a long time, made up the entire costume 
of the future president of the United States, V 

Fortune plays queer tricks with us all, but she never 
committed a more extraordinary freak than when she 
made this little ragged urchin the chief magistrate of a 
great nation. ^ \^ 

Indiana, at this date, was still a Territory, having been 
originally' united under the same government with Illinois, 
after the admission of Ohio as a State. " the first-born of 
the great North-west," 1802. A separate territorial or- 
ganization was made for each in 1809. A few months be- 
fore the arrival of Thomas Lincoln, namely, in June, 1816, 
pursuant to a Congressional " enabling act," a Convention 
had been held which adopted a State Constitution, pre- 
paratory to admission into the Union. Under this Con- 
stitution, a month or two later, in December, 1816, Indi- 
ana became, by act of Congress, a sovereign State. 

The next thirteen years Abraham Lincoln spent here, in 
Southern Indiana, near the Ohio, uearlj^ midway between 
Louisville and Evansville. He was now old enough to 
begin to take an active part in the farm labors of his 
father, and he manfully performed his share of hard work. 
He learned to use the axe and to hold the plough. He 
became inured to all the duties of seed-time and harvest. 
On many a day, dui'iug every one of those thirteen years, 
this Kentucky boy might have been seen with a long 
" gad " in his hand, driving his father's team in the iield, 



20 THE LIFE OP 

or from the woods with a heavy draught, or on the rough 
path to the mill, the store, or the river-landing. 

A vigorous constitution, and a cheerful, unrcj)ining dis- 
position, made all his labors comparatively light. To 
such a one, this sort of life has in it much of pleasant ex- 
citement to compensate for its hardships. He learned to 
derive enjoyment from the severest lot. 

At occasional intervals Abraham derived instruction in 
the rudiments from the school teachers of the neighbor- 
hood. A Mr. Crawford had one, and a Mr. Dorsey 
another. 

That we may estimate Mr. Lincoln in his true charac- 
ter, as chiefly a self-educated man, it should be stated 
that, summing up all the daj^s of his actual attendance 
upon school instruction, the amount would hardly exceed 
one year. The rest he had accomplished for himself in his 
own way. As a youth he read with avidity such instruc- 
tive works as he could obtain, and in winter evenings 
road them by the mere light of the blazing tire-place, when 
no better resource was at hand. 

An incident having its appropriate connection here, and 
illustrating several traits of the man, as already developed 
in early boyhood, is vouched for by a citizen of Evans- 
ville, who knew him in the days refei'i-ed to. In his 
eagerness to acquire knowldege, young Lincoln had bor- 
rowed of Mr. Crawford a copy of Weems' Life of Wash- 
ington — the only one known to be in existence in the 
neighborhood. Before he had finished reading the book, 
it had been left, by a not unnatural oversight, in a win- 
dow. Meantime, a rain storm came on, and the book was 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 21 

SO thoroughly wet as to make it nearly worthless. This 
mishap caused him much pain ; but ho went, in all hones- 
ty, to Crawford, with the ruined book, explained the 
calamity that had happened through his neglect, and of- 
fered, not having sufficient money, to "work out" the 
value of the book. 

" Well, Abe," said Crawford, " as it's you I won't bo 
hard on you. Come over and pull fodder for me for two 
days, and we will call our accounts even." 

The offer was accepted and the engagement litK?rally 
fulfilled. 

The book was of course wortb the labor. There is 
therefore nothing to be admired in the wa}^ of generosity. 
But the honorable part of the incident lies in the quick 
acknowledgment of the injury Abraham had caused to 
the book, and the eagerness he displayed to furnish an 
equivalent for it to its owner. 

At the age of nineteen, Abraham, tired of the farm and 
longing for adventure, with an eye, too, to profit, tried 
his hand at flat-boating. He sailed down the Ohio and 
the Mississippi on a raft, doing service as one of the labor- 
ers. Naturally lively and fond of a joke, the vocation 
rather improved his faculties of humor. He worked, 
sang, danced, cracked jokes, wrestled, fished, cooked his 
own meals, and made himself agreeable and loveablc with 
all. The incidents of this voyage to New Orleans and 
back have since formed the groundwork for many of the 
statesman's sallies of wit. 

If there had been any forebodings at the time of depar- 
ture from their fii'st home on Nolin Creek, these were to 



22 THE LIFE OF 

be erc-long realized by the Indiana emigrants. Scarcely 
tAvo years bad passed, in this changed climate, and in 
these rougher forest experiences, before the mother of 
young Abraham was called to a last seperation from those 
she had so tenderl}'- loved. She died in 1818, leaving as 
her sole surviving chi'dren, a daughter less than twelve 
years old, and a son two years younger, of whoso future 
distinction, the humble son probably' never had the re- 
motest dr am. A year later, Thomas Lincoln married 
another wife, a Mrs. Johnston. This person was a widow 
with three children, all of whom were adopted by their 
step-father and became members of the family. 

Abraham's life upon his return from New Orleans, and 
was before — the life of a farm boy, laborious and event- 
less. 

Thus it was that ho grew up to. the verge of man- 
hood ; he led no idle or enervating existence. Accus- 
tomed to steady labor, no one of all the workingmen with 
with whom he came in contact was a better sample of his 
class than he. He had now become a Saul among the 
pioneers, having reached the height of nearly six feet and 
four inches, and with a c :.mparative!y slender 3'et uncom- 
monly sti-ong, and muscular frame. 

In the spring of 1830, Thomas L'ncoln resolved to emi- 
grate once more. His brother had previously removed to 
more northern locations in Indiana. This, and his fond- 
ness for change, and the hope of better fortune, induced 
h^mto leave the hills of Indiana lor the flat prairie lands 
oflUiaois. Mordecai had died in Hancock County. Jo^iiah 
still lived in Hamilton County. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 23 

The journey was accoinplislicd in fifteen days. The 
spot rtclcctod was on the north side of Sangamon River. 

Illinois had but just begun to be occupied, and only 
along the banks of the ]>rinciple streams, in order to 
secure the advantages of wood and water, with botli of 
V hich the interior of the State is but poorly supplied. 

Assisted by a man name John Hunter, Abraham was 
deputed to split the rails for fencing the new farm. These 
are the rails about which so much was said in the late 
Presidential campaign. '* Their existence," says Mr. 
Scrijips, " was brought to the public attention during the 
sitting of the Republican State Convention, at Decatur, on 
which occasio.'t a banner, attached to two of these rails, 
and bearing an appropriate inscription was brought into 
the assemblage and formally presented to that body, amid 
a scene of unparalleled enthusiasm. After that they were 
in demand in every State of the Union in which free labor 
is honored, where they were borne in processions of the 
people, and hailed by hundreds of thousands of freemen, 
as a symbol of triumph, and as a glorious vindication of 
freedom, and of the rights and the dignity of free labor- 
These, however, were far from being the first or only rails 
made by Lincoln. He was a practised hand at the busi- 
ness. His first lessons were taken while yet a boy in In- 
diana. 

For some unexplained reason, the family did not remain 
on this place but a single ycai". Abraham was now of age, 
and when, in the spring ut 1831, his father set out for 
Coles county, sixty or seventy miles to the eastward, on 
the upper waters of the Kaskaskia and Embarras. a separ« 



j 



24 THE LIFE OP 

ation took place, the son for the first time assuming his 
independence, and commencing life on his own account. 
The scene of these labors he has not since visited. His 
fothcr was soon after comlortably settled in the place to 
which he had turned his course, and spent the remainder 
of his adventurous days there, arriving at a good old age. 
He died in Coles county, on the 17th day of January, 
1851, being iu his seventy-third year. The farm on th^ 
Sangamon subsequently Came into the possession of ti man 
named Whitley, who also erected a mill in the vicinity. 

While there was snow on the ground, at the close of the 
year 1830 or earl}^ in 1831, a man came to that pax't of 
Macon county where young Lincoln was living, in pur- 
suit of hands to aid him in a flat-boat voyage down the 
Mississippi. The fact was known that the youth had once 
made such a trip, and his services were sought for the oc- 
casion. As one who had his own subsistence to earn, 
with no capital but his hands, and with no immediate op- 
portunities for commencing professional study, if his 
thoughts had as yet been turned in that direction, he ac- 
cepted the proposition made him. Perhaps there was 
something of his inherited and acquired fondness for ex- 
citing adventure, impelling him to this decision. With 
him, were also employed, his former fellow-laborer, John 
Hanks, and a son of his step-mother, named John John- 
son. In the spring of 1831, Lincoln set out to fulfill his 
engagement. The floods had so swollen the streams that 
the Sangamon country was a vast sea before. His first 
entrance into that country was over these wide-spread 
waters, in a canoe. The time had come to join his em- 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 25 

ploycr on liis joiivno}^ to New Orleans, but the latter had 
been disappointed by anothor person on whom he relied 
to furnish him a boat, on the Illinois river. Accordingly, 
all hands set to work and themselves built a boat, on that 
river for their purposes. This done, the}' set out on their 
long trip, making a successful voyage to New Orleans and 
back. It is reported by liis friends, that Mr. Lincoln re- 
fers with much pleasant humor to this early experience' 
so relating some of its incidents as to afford abundant 
amusement to his auditoi's. In truth, he was a 3'outh 
who could adapt himself to this or any otlicr honest woi'k, 
■which his circumstances required of him, and with a 
cheerfulness and alacrity — a certain practical humor — 
rarely equalled. He could turn off the hardest labor as a 
mere pastime; and his manly presence, to othei- laborers, 
Avas as a constant inspiration and a charm to lighten their 
burdens. 

It was midsummer -when the flat-boatman returned 
from this, his second apd last trip, in that capacity. The 
man who had commanded this little expedition now under- 
took to establish himself in business at New Salem, twenty 
miles below Springfield, in Menard county — a place of 
more relative consequence then than now — two miles 
from Petersburg, the county seat. He had found young 
Lincoln a person of such sort that he was anxious to se- 
cure his services in the new enterprise he was about to 
embark in. He opened a store at New Salem, and also a 
mill lor flouring grain. For want of other -immediate em- 
ployment, and in the same spirit which had heretofore 
actuated him, Abraham Lincoln now entered upon the 



26 THE LIFE OF 

.liitics of a clerk, having an eye to both branches of the 
business carried on by his employer. This connection 
lasted for nearly a year, all the duties of his position being 
faithfully and cheerfully performed. i 

Some how or other this country grocer did not succeed, ',; 
and the Black Uawk War breaking out about this timej 
young Lincoln, always ready for adventure, left the shop, i 
and volunteered for service against the Indiana. 



CHAPTER II. 

THEVOLUNTEER. 

y- Breaking out of the Black Hawk War. Lincoln volunteers. He is 
thospji Captain. Vicisitudes of the campaign. Battle of the Bad-Axe. 
End of the volunteers first campaign. 

In the spring of 1831, Black Hawk, unmindful of his 
treaty to remain west of the Mississippi, aud charging bad 
faith upon the whites, re-crossed the river with all his 
tribe, the women and children included, and sought to re- 
turn to his old hunting-grounds in the Hock river coun- 
try. He was assisted by allies from the Kickapoo and 
Pottawatomie tribes. These, with the Sacs, made up a 
force of some three hundred fighting men. 

At this time Abraham Lincoln was clerking it in the 
' store " in Menard county. 

In response to the representations of Gov. Eejmolds, to 
whom the settlers applied for protection, Gen. Gaines, 
commander of the United States forces in that quarter, 
took prompt and decisive measures to expel these invaders 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 27 

from the State. With a few companies of regular soldiers, 
Gen. Gaines at once took np his position at Eock Island, 
and at his call, several hundred volunteers, assembled 
from the northern and central parts of the State, upon 
the proclamation of Gov. Rejmold's, joined him a month 
luler. His little army, distributed into two regiments, an 
additional batalion, and a spy batalion, was the most 
formidable military force yet seen in the new State. The 
expected battle did not take place, the Indians having 
suddenly and stealthily retired again, in their canoes, 
across the river. The troops had been advanced to Van- 
druff s Island, opposite the Indian town, where the en- 
gagement was anticipated, and there was much dissatisfac- 
tion among the volunteers, and some complaints against 
the generals, Gaines and Duncan for permitting the enemy 
to escape. 

Negotiations soon followed. It was sought to restrain 
Black Hawk from ever again crossing the river. Threats 
and promises were freely used, and for a time both had the 
effect intended, A treaty was entered into by which the 
chief agreed that he and his tribe should ever after re- 
main on the west side of the river, unless bj" permission 
of the State Governor, or of the President. Thus was the 
treaty of 1804 reafiirmed, by which the lands they were 
claiming had been distinctly conveyed to the United States 
Government, which, in turn, had sold them to the present 
settlers. 

In express violation, however, of this second deliberate 

engagement, Black Hawk and his followers began, early 

in the spring of 1832, to make preparations for another 

1 



28 THE LIFE OP 

invasion. Many and grevious wronga have undoubtedly 
been inflicted upon the savage tribes, by the superior race 
that has gradually, but steadily driven the former from 
their ancient homes. But the bad faith shown in this 
case, and the repeated violation of deliberate agreements, 
was wholly without justification or excuse. No provica- 
tion or plausible pretext had arisen after the treaty of the 
previous June ; yet Black Hawk, under the misguided in- 
fluence and false representations of the "Prophet," who 
persuaded him to believe that the British (to whom Black 
Hawk had always been a fast friend), as well as the Otta- 
was, Chippcwas, Winnebagoes and Pottowatomies would 
aid them in regaining their village and the adjoining 
lands. "Under this delusion, to which the wiser Keokuk 
refused to become a dupe, though earnestly invited to 
join them, Black Hawk proceeded to gather as strong a 
force as possible. He first established his headquarters at 
the old site of fort Madison, west of the Mississippi. 
After his preparations had been completed, he proceed- 
ed up the river with his women and children, his property 
and camp equipage, in canoes, while his warrior armed 
and mounted, advanced by land. In spite of a warning 
he had received that there was a strong force of white 
soldiers at Fort Armstrong, on Rock Island, he continued 
on to the mouth of Eock river, where, in utter reckless- 
ness and bad faith — paying not the slightest regard to his 
solemn agreerv.ent of the last year — the Avhole party 
crossed to the east side of the Mississip))i, with a declared 
purpose of ascending Kock river to the territory of the 
Winnebagoes. This was in the early part of Api-il, 1822. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 29 

Black Hawk, after ho bad gone some distance up this 
river, was overtaken by a messenger from Gen. Atkinson, 
who had command of the troops on Eock Island, and 
ordered to return beyond the Mississippi. This was defi- 
antly refused. 

Gov. Reynolds again issued a call for volunteers to pro- 
tect the settlers from this invasion. A company was 
promptly raised in Menard county, in the formation of 
which, Abraham Lincoln w<is one of the most active. 
From New Salem, Clary's Grove, and elswhere in the 
vicinity, an efficient force was gathered, and in making 
their organization, Lincoln was elected captain. 

They first marched to Beardstown. Here 1800 men 
were speedily assembled and organized into four reo-i- 
ments, with an additional spy battalion. Gen. Sam. White- 
side was in command. Gen. James D. Henry was placed 
at the head of the spy battalion. 

On the 27th of April they left Beardstown and marched 
to Oquawka, and thence to the mouth of Rock river. After 
marching fifty miles up the river they arrived at the 
Prophet's village, which they left in flames, and then 
pushed forward to Dixon's Ferry, forty miles further up, 
whore the Indians were supposed to be. On the way 
they were joined by 275 more men from McLean, Pecona 
and other counties. 

On the 12th of May their advance guard skirmished 
with, and killed three Indians. Black Hawk, his skir- 
mishei-s, and the whites did the same. In a short time 
the engagement employed some five hundred men from 
each side. It resulted in a complete rout of the whites, 



30 THE LIFE OP 

and is known to day as the nnfortunate affair of " Still- 
man's Defeat." 

A council of war was held, and it was determined to 
renew the battle the next morning, but when the whtes 
arrived at the scene of action the wiley savages had dis- 
appeared. 

After this attempt to fall in with the enemy and give 
him battle, Clen. Whiteside, having buried the dead of the 
day before, returned to camp, Avhere he was joined, next 
day, by Gen. Atkinson, with his troops and supplies. 
The numbers of the army were thus increased to twent}^- 
four hundred, and a few weeks more would have enabled 
this force to bring the war to a successful close. But 
many of the volunteers, whose time had nearly expired, 
were eager to be discharged. They had seen quite enough 
of the hardships of a campaign, which, without bringing 
as yet any glory, had turned out in reality quite different 
from what their imagination had foretold. With the pre- 
vailing discontents, but one course was possible. The 
volunteers were marched to Ottawa, where they were dis- 
charged by Gov. Reynolds, on the 27th and 28th of May. 

Gov. Reynolds had previously issued a call for two 
thousand new volunteers to assemble at Beardstown and 
Hennepin. In accordance with the wishes of Lincoln and 
others, who were still ready to bear their share of the 
campaign to its close, the Governor also asked for the 
formation of a volunteer regiment from those just dis- 
charged. Lincoln promj^lly enrolled him.self as a private, 
as did also General Whiteside. 
Before the arrival of the other levies, a skirmishing 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 31 

fight with the luditius was had at Burr Ouk Grove, on the 
18th of June, iu which the enemy was defeated, with con- 
siderable loss, and on the side of the volunteers, two 
killed and one wounded. 

The whites now numbered 3200 volunteers and a force 
of regulars under Gen. Atkinson, of the regular army. 

Meanwhile, Black Hawk had concentrated his forces at 
the Four Lakes, tired of being hunted down, and resolved 
to try the issue of the war in a general engagement. But 
some how or other, the Avhites never succeeded in findino- 
their enemy. 

Nearly two months had now passed since the opening of 
the campaign, and its purpose seemed as remote from ac- 
complishment as ever. The new volunteers had many of 
them become discontented, like the former ones. Their 
number had in fact become reduced one-half The weari- 
some marches, the delays, the privations and exposures, 
had, proved to them that this service was no pastime, and 
that its romance was not what it seemed in the distance. 
They sickened of such service, and were glad to escape 
from its restraints. Not so, however, with Lincoln, who 
had found in reality the kind of exciting adventure Avhich 
his spirit craved. While others murmured and took their 
departure, he remained true and persistent, no less eager 
for the fray, or ambitious to play a genuine soldier's part, 
than at the beginning. To him it had been what his 
imagination painted, and ho had a hearty earnestness in 
his work that kept him cheerful, and strongl}^ attached 
others to him. 
Just hei'e Abraham Lincoln's campaign ended. He was 



32 THE LIFE OP 

not destined to share iu any encounter with the enemy be- 
yond what wc have already mentioned. The forces were 
divided and dispersed, and one portion shortly after meet- 
ing with the Indians, a battle ensued, and the war was 
over. This will be related in a few words : 

Two days after their separation news was received 
by that portion of the whites from which Lincoln's com- 
pany had been separated that Black Hawk was thirty 
miles above their camj) on Eock river. A plan of Generals 
Alexander, Henry, and others, to take him by surprise, 
without awaiting orders, was frustrated by their troops 
refusing to follow them. Gen. Henry finally set out in 
pursuit of the Indians, on the 15th of Jul}-, but was mis- 
led by treachery. He continued on for several days, ac- 
quiring better information, passing the beautiful country 
around the Four Lakes, the present site of Madison, Wis- 
consin, and after another day's hard march came close 
upon the retreating Indians, and finally overtook them on 
the 2l8t. They were immediately charged upon, and 
driven along the high bluffs of the Wisconsin, and down 
upon the river bottom. The Indians lost sixty-eight 
killed, and of the largo number wounded twenty-five were 
afterwards found dead on their trail leading to the Missis- 
sippi. The regulars, in this engagement on the Wiscon- 
sin, were commanded by Gen. (then Col.) Zachary Taylor, 
afterward President of the United States. Gen. Ileniy, 
of Illinois, and Col. Dodge, (afterward L^nited States Sen- 
ator), were chief commanders of the volunteers. 

Waiting two daj^s at the Blue Mounds, the forces still in 
the field were all united, and a hard pursuit resumed 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 33 

tlirough the forests, down the Wisconsin. On the fourtn 
dixy, they reached the Mississippi, which some of the In- 
dians had ah-eady crossed, while others were preparing to 
do so. The battle of the Bad-Ax here brought the war to 
a close, with the capture of Black Ilawk and his surviving 
warriors. 

Lincoln never set up any claims to heroism in this, his 
only campaign as a soldier, but he believed he did his 
duty, and so did others. Perhaps if he had the opportun- 
ity he might have turned out quite a redoubtable warrior; 
but it was all for the best, for he might have been diverted 
from that career of usefulness which he afterwards pur- 
sued in quieter ways. 

Sarcastically commenting on the efforts of Gen. Cass's 
biographers to make the old Statesman a military hero, 
Lincoln, in a congressional speech, delivered during the 
canvas of 1848, said : 

" By the way, Mr. Speaker, did you know I am a mili- 
tary hero 'f Yes, sir, in the days of the Black Hawk war, 
I fought, bled, and came away. Speaking of Gen. Cass's 
career, reminds me of my own. I was not at Stillman's 
defeat, but I was aboat as near it as Cass to Hull's sur- 
render ; and like him, I saw the place very soon after- 
ward." 

This never failing humor of Abraham Lincoln, no doubt 
has done as much as anything to make him a general 
favorite. It is said that a man that is fond of music can 
never be a conspirator or a traitor. We might extend the 
rule, and say, that one -who is always good natured and 
humorous, is alike incapable of double dealing or plotting. 



34 THE LIFE OP 

At least, so think the laultitude, and they are not often 
wrong. 

Whether it was this characteristic, so highly prized 
among our countrymen, or the scrupulous honesty Avhich 
attacoed itself to allof the young pioneei"'s dealings, we do 
not know but Abraham Lincoln at this time came to be 
called Honest Abe. It is a good sign for him when a man 
earns this handle to his name, and is a sure forerunner of 
fortune and honor. 



CHAPTER III. 

THE POLITICIAN. 

Abraham becomes a poli/ician: Takes to surveyinrf. Sells his insfru- 
mcnts at auction. Studies law. Is beaten at an elf.ction. Runs aaain 
find succeeds. Elected four times to the legislature. Stumps the State for 
Ilinirij Claij. His oratorical powers. His appearance arid personal 
habits. 

xifter his return from the Black Hawk War, Abraham 
began to cast about him for something to do. His mili- 
tary campaign had infused that self-confidence within 
him to which he had hitherto been a stranger. Chosen as 
captain above a hundred of his fellows, it would be strange 
if the youth did not begin to have some aspirations for 
distinction in life. He accordingly began to make himself 
acquainted with the political machinery of elections and 
to study the complexions of parties, and take his position 
among them according to the opinions he held. 

Lincoln was an ardent admirer of the then newly fa- 
mous Henry Clay of Kentucky, and it took him but little 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 35 

lime to enrol himself tiinong his numerous followers and 
oppose the Democratic party, who at that time advocated 
Gen. Jackson for the presidency. 

In 1834 he ran for the Illinois legislature, but was de- 
feated. 

Meanwhile, he pursued the business of land surveyor, 
as Washington had done before him, but with such little 
success that he was at one time compelled to sell his 
surveying instruments at auction in order to keep soul and 
body together. He was at the same time studying law, 
and his abandonment of surveying only made him more 
anxious to succeed with his books and his degree. His 
political aspirations were not Avithout success even then, 
for in consequence of his popularity on the occasion of his 
defeat, (lacking only seven votes of election) he received 
the appointment of postmaster at New Salem, Illinois. 

In 1836 he ran again for the legislature, and this time 
was successful. In 1838 and 1840 he was re-elected to the 
same office. 

During this part of his career as a politician, it is inter, 
esting to notice the care he took even when a 3'oung man 
to avoid identifying himself with the theoretical abolition- 
ists of the day, and yet to place himself on the record as 
a firm lover of liberty for all men when time and circum- 
stances favored emancipation measures. 

During the spring of 1837, revolutions of a pro-slavery ■ 
character had been adopted by the majority of the Illin- 
ois legislature. These of course would have affixed the 
character of theoi'ctical abolitionists to those who voted 
against them. In order to extricate himself from a posi- 



36 THE LIFE OP 

tion which he at that time considered unwise, he joined 
Avith a Mr. Stone in the following protest on the subject: 

March 3d, 1837. 
The following protest was x)rescntcil to the House, 
whicli was read and ordered to be spread on the jouanals, 

to wit : 

" Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery hav- 
ing passed both branches of the General Assembly, at its 
present session, the undersigned hereby protest against 
the passage of the same. 

" They believe that the institution of slavery is founded 
on both injustice and bad policy; but that the promulga- 
tion of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than 

abate its evils. 

"They believe that the Congress of the United States 
has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with 
the institution of slavery in the different States. 

" They believe that the Congress of the United States 
has the power, under the Constitution, to abolish slavery 
in the District of Columbia ; but that the power ought not ; 
to be exercised, unless at the request of the people of said 
District. 

" The difference between these opinions and those con- 
tained in the said resolutions, is their reason for entering; 
this protest. 

" (Signed) 

" Dan. Stone, 
" A. Lincoln, 

^'Eeprcscntatives from the Coxuity of Sangamon." 



ABRAHAM LINCOr.N. 37 

In 183G, lie had obtained a liconso to practice law, and 
in April, 1837, removed to Spring-field and opened a law 
office, in partnership with Major John F. Stuart. He rose 
ra])idly to distinction in the profession, and was especially 
eminent a-" an advocate in jury trials, in consequence of 
tlie rare power he possessed of making himself imdcr- 
stood by his auditors, and appealing to their sense of fair- 
ness and justice in the cause he represented. 

Th s qrality as an orator he has ever wielded with suc- 
cess, and in fact has been the corner-stone of his advance- 
ment and elevation. 

We trust the example thus afforded to American youth 
will not be lost upon them. There is no accomplishment 
capable of yielding so rich a return in this land of democ- 
racy and popular freedom, than that one Avhich makes us 
the exponent, the mouth-pieces, and afterwards the advo- 
cate and leader of the masses. 

After Abraham Lincoln's repeated service in the legis- 
lature of his adopted State, he was several times a candi- 
date lor Presidential elector, and as such in 1S44 he can- 
vassed the entire State, together Avith part of Indiana, in 
behalf of Henry Clay, niaking almost daily speeches to 
lai-ge audiences. 

At t; is time lie was very plain in his costume, as well 
as rather uncourtl}' in his address and general appear- 
ance. His clothing was of homely Kentucky jean, and 
the first impression made by his tall, lank figure, upon 
those who saw him was not specially prepossessing. He 
bad not outgrown his hard backwoods experience, and 
showed no inclination to disguise or to cast behind him. 



38 



THE LIFE OP 



the honest and many, thoii-li uiq^olished characteristics 
of hi-^ earlier days, i^cver was a man further removed 
from all snobbish affectation. As little was there, also, of 
the demagogue art of assuming an uncouthness or rusti- 
city of manner and outward habit, with the mistaken no- 
tion of thus securing particular favor as one of the masses. 
He chose to appear then, as he has at all times since, pre- 
cisely what he was. His deportment Avas unassumiuo- 
Avithout any awkwardness of reserve. 

First elected at twenty-five, he had continued in office 
without interruption so long as his inclination allpwed, 
and until, by his uniform courtesy and kindness of man- 
ners, his marked ability, and his straight-forward integ- 
rity, he had won an enviable repute throughout the State, 
and was virtually, when but a little past thirty, placed at 
the head of his party in Illinois. 

Begun in comparative obscuaity, and without any adven- 
titious aids in its progress, this period of his life, at its 
termination, had brought him to a position where he was 
secure in the confidence of the people, and prepared, in 
due time, to enter upon a more enlarged and brilliant ca- 
reer, as a national statesman. His fame as a close and 
convincing debater was established. His native taleut as 
an orator had at once been demonstrated and discii^lined. 
His zeal and earnestness in behalf of a party whose prin- 
ciples he believed to be right, had rallied strong troops of 
p litieal friends about him, while his unfeigned modesty 
and jiis unpretending and simple bearing, iu marked con- 
trast with that of so many imperious leaders, had won 
him general and lasting esteem. He preferred no claim 



AP.IIATIAM LIXCOLN. 39 

as a partisan, and showed no overweening anxiety to ad- 
vance himself, but was alwaj's a disinterested and gen- 
erous co-worlcer with his associates, only ready to accept 
the post of honor and of responsibility when it was clearly 
their will, and satisfactory lo the peo])le whose interests 
were involved. At the close of this period, Avith scared}'- 
any consciousness of the fact himself, and with no noisy 
demonstrations or flashy ostentations in his behalf from 
his friends, he was really one of the foremost political men 
in the State. A keen observer might even then have pre- 
dicted a great future for the " Sangamon Chief," as people 
have been wont to call him; and only such an observer, 
perhaps, would then have adequately estimated his real 
power as a natural orator, a sagacious statesman, and a 
gallant tribune of the people. 

The following incident, of which the narration is believ- 
ed to be substantially accurate, is from the pen of one who 
professes to write from personal knowledge. It is given 
in this connection, as at once illustrating the earlier strug- 
gles of Mr. Lincoln in acquiring his profession, the char- 
acter of his forensic efforts, and the generous gratitude 
and disinterestedness of his nature : 

Having chosen the law as his future calling, he devoted 
himself assiduously to its mastery, contending at every 
step with adverse fortune. During this period of study, 
he for some time found a home under the hospitable roof 
of one Armstrong, a farmer, wdio lived in a log house some 
eight miles from the village of Petersburg, in Menard 
county. Here, young Lincoln would master his lessons 
by the firelight of the cabin, and then walk to town for 



40 THE LIFE OP 

the purpose of recitation. Tliis man Armsti'ong was him- 
self pool*, but he saw the genuis struggling in the young 
student, and opened to him his rude home, and bid him 
welcome to his rude fai*e. How Lincoln graduated with 
promise — how he has more than fulfilled that promise — 
how honorably he acquitted himself, alike on the battle- 
field, in defending our border settlements against the 
ravages of savage foes, and in the halls of our national 
legislature, are matters of history, and need no repetition 
here. But one little incident of a more private nature, 
standing as it does as a sort of sequel to some things al- 
ready alluded to, I deem worthy of record. Some few 
years since, the oldest son of Mr. Lincoln's old friend 
Armstrong, the chief support of his widowed mother — 
the good old man having some time previously passed 
frotn earth — was arrested on the charge of murder. A 
young man had been killed during a riotous melee, in the 
night-time, at a camp-meeting, and one of his associates 
stated that the death-wound was inflicted b}^ young Arm- 
strong. A preliminary examination was gone into, at 
which the accuser testified so positivel}^, that there seem- 
ed no doubt of the guilt of the prisoner, and therefore ho 
was held for trial. As is too often the case, the blood}'- 
act caused an undue degree of excitement in the public 
mind. Every improper incident in the life of the j)risoner 
— each act which bore the least semblance of rowdyism — 
each school-boy quarrel — was suddenly remembered and 
magnified, until they pictured him as a fiend of the most 
horrid hue. As these rumors spread abroad, they were 
received as gospel truth, and a feverish desire for ven- 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 41 

geance seized upon tlio infatuated populace, "while only 
prison-bars prevented a horrible death at the hands ot the 
mob. The events Avere heralded in the newspapers, paint- 
ed in highest colors, accompanied by rejoicing over the 
certainty of punishment being meted out to the guilty 
party. The prisoner, overwhelmed by the circumstances 
in which he lonnd himself placed, fell into a melancholy 
condition, bordering iipon despair; and the widowed 
mothei', lo- king through her tears, saw no cause lor hope 
from earthly aid. 

At this juncture, the widow received a letter from Mr. 
Lincob-, volunteering his servces in an effort to save the 
youth from the impending stroke. Gladly was liis aid 
accepted, akhough it seemed impossible for even his 
sagacity to prevail in such a desperate case; but the heart 
of the attorney was in his work, and he set about it with 
a will that knew no such word as fail. Feeling that the 
poisoned condition of the public mind was such as to pre- 
clude the possibility of impanneling an impartial jur^- in 
the court having jurisdiction, he procured a change of 
venue, and a postponement of the trial. He then went 
studiously to work unraveling the history of the case, and 
satisfied himself that his client was the victim of malice, 
and that the statements of the accuser were a tissue of 
falsehoods. When the trial was called on, the prisoner, 
pale and emaciated, with hopelessness written on every 
feature, and accompanied by his half-hoping, half-despair- 
ing mother — whose only hope was in a mother's belief 
of her son's innocence, in the justice of the God she wor- 
shiped, and in the noble counsel, who, without hope of fee 



42 THE LIFE OP 

or reward upon earth, bud undertaking the cause — took 
his seat in the prisoner's box, and with a " stony firmness" 
listened to the reading of the indictment. 

Lincoln sat quietly by, while the large auditory looked 
on him as though wondering what he could say in 
defense of one whose guilt they regarded as certain. The 
examination of the witnesses for the State was begun, 
and a w^cll-arranged mass of evidence, circumstantial and 
positive, was introduced, which seemed to impale the pris- 
oner beyond the possibilit}' of extrication. The counsel 
for the defense propounded but few questions, and those 
of a character which excited no uneasiness on the part of 
the prosecutor — merely, in most cases, requiring the main 
witness to be definite as to time and place. When the 
evidence of the proscecution was ended, Lincoln intro- 
duced a few witnesses to remove some erroneous impres- 
sions in regard to the previous character of his client, who, 
though somewhat rowdyish, had never been known to com- 
mit a vicious act; and to show that a greater degree of ill- 
feeling existed between the accuser and accused, than the 
accused and the deceased. The prosecutor felt that the 
case was a clear one, and his opening s}»eech was brief and 
formal. Lincoln arose, while a deathly silence pervaded 
the vast audience, and in a clear but moderate tone began 
his argument. Slowly and carefull}^ he reviewed the tes- 
timony, pointing out the hitherto unobserved discrepan- 
cies in the statements of the principal witness. That 
which had seemed ])lain and plausible, he made to appear 
crooked as a serpent's path. The witness had stated that 
the affair took place at a certain hour in the, evening, and 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 43 

that, by the aid of the brightly shining .roon. ho saw the 
prisoner inflict the death-blow with a shmg shot. Mr. 
Lineohi showed that, at the hour referred to, the moon Iiad 
not yet appeared above the horizon, and consequently tho 
whole talo was a fabrication. An almost instt^ntaneous 
change seemed to have been wrought in the minds of his 
auditors, and the verdict of " not guilty" was at the end 
of every tongue. But the advocate was not content with 
this intellectual achievement. His whole being had for 
months been bound up in this work of gratitude and 
mercy, and, as the lava of the overcharged crater bursts 
from its imprisonment, so great thoughts and burning 
words leaped forth from the soul of tho eloquent Lincoln. 
He drew a picture of tho perjurer, so horrid and ghastly, 
that the accuser could sit under it no longer, but reeled 
and staggered from the court-room, while the audience 
fancied they could see the brand apon his brow. Then, in 
words of thrilling pathos, Lincoln appealed to the jurors, 
as fathers of sons who might become fatherless, and as 
husbands of wives who might be widows, to yield to no 
previous impressions, no ill-founded prejudice, but to do 
his client justice ; and as he alluded to the debt of grati- 
tude which he owed tho boy's sire, tears were seen to fall 
from many eyes unused to wee]). It was near night when 
he concluded by saying, that if justice was done — as he 
believed it would be — before tho sun should sot, it would 
shine upon his client a freeman. The jury retired, and 
the court adjourned for the da}". Half an hour had not 
elapsed, when, as the ofHcers of the court and the volun- 
teer attoi'ney sat at the tea-table of their hotel, a messen- 



44 THE LIFE OP 

ger announced that the jury had returned to their seats. 
All repaired immediately to the court-house, and while 
the prisoner was being brought from the jail, the court- 
room was filled to overflowing with citizens of the town. 
AVhcn thei^risoner and his mother entered, silence reigned 
as completel}^ as though the house were empty. The fore- 
man of the jury, in answer to the usual inquiry from the 
court, delivered the verdict " Not guilty !" The Avidow 
dropped into the arms of her son, who lifted her up, and 
told her to look upon him as before, free and innocent. 
Then, with the words, " Where is Mr. Liocoln ?" he rushed 
across the room and grasped the hand of his deliverer, 
while his heart was too full for utterance. Lincoln turned 
his eyes toward the west, where the sun still lingered in 
view, and then, turning to the youth, said, '' It is not yet 
sundown, and you are free." I confess that my cheeks 
were not wholly unwet by tears, and I turned from the 
affecting scene. As I cast a glance behind, 1 saw Abraham 
Lincoln obeying the divine injunction, by comforting the 
widow and the fatherless. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 45 



CHAPTEE IV. 

THE STATESMAN. 

Air Lincolii'x Marriage. Election to Congress. Hi-t firsh Speech in the 
House. Pertinent Extracts. War. Subjugation. Jlight of Revolution. 
Indcmnitij. Peace. C onjisuition. The Model President. plnlforms. 
One of Ilonest Abe^s Jokes. The Scathing and Withering style. The great 
JDeviocratic Ox-gad. How much a man may Sub. Visit to New England. 
Retires to Private Life. The Kansas Hill rouses him. He takes the field 
again. Campaign fur Fremont. The Principles of the Republican Parly. 
Jjebates with .fudge Douglass. The Campaign of 1858. Shooting over 
the line. The Kentucky Girls. The Speech to the Children in New York. 
Nomination to the Presidency. What JJuuglass said of his color. The 
Campaign of 1860. 

On the 4tli of November 1842, Mr. Lincoln was married 
to Miss Mary Todd, daughter of Hon. Eobert S. Todd of 
Lexington, Kentucky. 

A man of family, a recognised leader in the ranks of the 
"Whig part}^, a successful law3'er, and one whose popularity 
was daily increasing, it is not a matter of wonder that in 
184:8 Mr. Lincoln's fellow citizens should have deemed 
him an appropriate man to represent them in the National 
Congress. 

Accordingly he was returned for the central district of 
Illinois in the Fall of 1846, and took his seat in the house 
of Eepresentatives at Washington, on the 6th day of De- 
cember, 1847, the opening of the thirtieth Congress. 

Mr. Lincoln was comparatively quite a young man when 
he entered the House, yet he was early recognised as one 
of the foremost of the Western men on the floor. His 
Congressional record, throughout, is that of a Whig of 
those days, his votes on all leading national subjects, boind 
invariably what those of Cla}', Webster or Corwin would 



46 THE LIFE OP 

have been, had they occupied his place. One of the most 
])rominent subjects of consideration before the Tliirtieth 
Congress, xcvy naturall}^, was the then existing wav Avith 
Mexico. Mr. Lincoln was one of those who believed the 
Administration had not properly managed its affairs with 
Mexico at the outset, and who, while voting supplies and 
for suitably rewarding our gallant soldiers in that war, 
were unwilling to be forced, by any trick of the supporters 
of the Administration, into an unqualified indorsement of 
its course in this affair, from beginning to end. In this 
attitude, Mr. Lincoln did not stand alone. Such was tho 
position of Whig members in both Houses, without ex- 
ception. 

On tho 12th of Januarj:', 1848^ he made his speech in 
the House, from which wo make the following extracts 
as being pertinent to the issues which at present divide 
the country : 

(Jn Committee of the Whole House, Janucrry 12, 1848.J 
Mr. Lincoln addressed the Committee as follows : 
Mr. Chairman; Some, if not all, of the gentlemen on 
the other side of the House, who have addressed the Com- 
mittees within the last two days, have spoken rather com- 
plainingly, if I have rightly understood them, of tlie vote 
given a week or ten days ago, declaring that the war with 
Mexico was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally com- 
menced by the President. I admit that such a vote should 
not be given in mere party wantonness, and that tho one 
given is justly censurable, if it have no other or better 
foundation. I am one of those who joined in that vote; 
and. did so under my best impression of the truth of the 
case.' How I got this impression, and how it may possi- 



ABRAHAM MNCOLN. 47 

bly be removed, I will now try to show. When the war 
began, it was my opinion that all those who, because of 
knowing too little, or because of knowing too much, could 
not conscientiously approve the conduct of the President 
(in the beginning of it), should, nevertheless, as good citi- 
zens and patriots, remain silent on that point, at least till 
the war should bo ended. Some leading democrats, inclu- 
ding ex-President Van Buren, liave taken this same view, 
as I understand them ; and I adhered to it, and acted upon 
it, until since I took my seat here; and I think I should 
still adhere to it, were it not that the President and his 
friends will not allow it to be so. Besides, the continual 
effort of the President to ai'guc every silent vote given for 
supplies into an endorsement of the justice and wisdom 
of his conduct ; besides that singularly candid paragraph 
in his late message, in which he tells us that Congress, 
with great unanimity (only two in the Senate and foui'- 
teen in the House dissenting) had declared that '■ by the 
act of the Republic of Mexico a state of war exists be- 
tween that Government and the United States;" when 
the same journals that informed him of this, also informed 
that, when that declaration stood disconnected from the 
question of supplies, sixty-seven in the House, and not 
fourteen, merely, voted against it; besides this open at- 
tem])t to prove by telling the truth, what he conld not 
prove by telling the whole truth, demanding of all who will 
not submit to be misrepresented, in justice to themselves, 
to speak out; besides all this, one of my colleagues [Mr. 
liichardson], at a very early day in the session, brought 
u a set of resolutio ns expressl}' endorsing the original jus 



48 THE LIFE OP 

tice of the war on the part of the President. Upon these 
resohitions, when they shall be put on their passage, I 
shall be compelled to vote; so that I cannot be silent if I 
would. Seeing this, I went about preparing myself to" 
give the vote understandingly, when it should come. I 
carefully examined the President's messages, to ascertain 
what he himself had said and proved upon the point. The 
result of this examination was to make the impression, 
that, taking for true all the Pi-esident states as facts, he 
falls far short of proving his justification ; and the Presi- 
denL would have gone further with his proof, if it had not 
been for the small matter that the truth would not permit 
him. Under the impression thus made I gave the vote 
before mentioned. I propose now to give, concisely, the 
process of the examination I made, and how I reached 
the conclusion I did. 

Any people anywhere, being inclined and having the 
POWEii, have a right to rise up and shake off the existing 
government, and form a new one that suits them better. 
This is a most valuable, a most sacred right — a right which, 
we hope and believe, is to liberate the world. Nor is this 
right confined to cases in which the whole people of an 
existing government may choose to exercise it. Any por- 
tion of such people that can may revolutionize, and make 
their own of so much of the territory as they inhabit. 
More than this, a majority of any portion of such people 
may revolutionize, putttng down a minority^ intermingled 
with, or near about them, who may oppose their move- 
ments. Such minority was precisely the case of the To- 
ries of our own llevolution. It is a quality of revolutions 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 49 

not to go by old lines, or old laws ; bat to break up both, 
and make new ones. As to the country now in question, 
we bought it of France in 1803, and sold it to Spain in 
1819, according to the President's statement. After this, 
all Mexico, including Texas, revolutionized against Spain ; 
and still later, Texas revolutionized against Mexico. In 
my view, just so far as she curried her revolution, by ob- 
taining the actual, Avilling or unwilling submission of tho 
people, so far the country was hers, and no further. 

Now, sir, for the purpose of obtaining the very best evi- 
dence as to whether Texas had actually carried her revo- 
lution to the i^lace where the hostilities of the present war 
commenced, let the President answer the interrogatories 
I proposed as before mentioned, or some other similar 
ones. Let him answer fully, fairly and honestly. 

But if he cannot or loill not do this — if, on any pretense 
he shall refuse or omit it — then I shall be fully convinced, 
of what I more than suspect alread}', that he is deeply 
conscious of being in the wrong ; that he feels the blood 
of this war, like the blood of Abel, is crying to heaven 
against him; that he ordered General Taylor into the 
midst of a peaceful Mexican settlement, purposel}^ to bring 
on war; that originally having some strong moiive — what 
I will not stop now to give my opinion concerning — to in- 
volve the two countries in a war, and trusting to escape 
scrutin}^ by fixing the public gaze upon the exceeding 
brightness of military glory — that attractive rainbow that 
rises in showers of blood — that serpent's ej'e that charms 
to destroy — he plunged into it, and has swept on and on, 
till, disappointed in his calculation of the ease with which 



50 THE LIFE OP 

Mexico luiglit be subducc], he now finds liimself he knows 
not Avhere.. 

How tun Ave obtain indemnity for the expenses of this 
war if those expenses amount to more than the w^hole val- 
ue of the Mexican territory ? Again, half the territory is 
already appropriated as private property ; how then arc 
we to make anything out of these lands with this incum- 
brance on them, or how remove the incumbrance ? I 
suppose no one will say we should kill the people, or drive 
them out, or make slaves of them, or even confiscate their 
property. ,;c ^ ^ 

Again, it is a singular omission in this message, that it 
nowhere intimates lolien the President expects the war to 
terminate. At its beginning, General Scott was, b}^ this 
same President, driven into disfavor, if not disgrace, for 
intimatin"- that peace could not be conquered in less than 
threc'or four months. But now at the end of about twen- 
ty months, during which time our arms have given us the 
most splendid successes — every department, and ever}^ 
part, land and water, officers and privates, regulars and 
V lunteers, doing all that men could do, and hundreds of 
things which it had ever before been thought that men 
could not do ; after all this, this same President gives us a 
long message without showing us that, as to the end, he has 
himself even an imaginary conception. As I have before 
said, he knows not where he is. He is a bewildered, con- 
founded, and miserably-perplexed man. God grant he 
may be able to show that there is not something about 
his conscience more painful than all his mental perplexity. 
On the 20th of June, 1848, he said : I wish now to sub- 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 51 

niit a few remarks on the general proposition of amending 
the Constitution. As a general rule, 1 think we would do 
much better to let it alone. No slight oceasion should 
tempt us to toueh it. Better not take the first step, which 
may lead to a habit of altering it. Better rather habituate 
ourselves to think of it as unalterable. It can seareely 
be made better than it is. New provisions would intro- 
duce new difficulties, and thus create and increase appetite 
for further change. No, sir; let it stand as it is. New 
hands have never touched it. The men who made it have 
done their work, and have passed away. Who shall im- 
prove on what they did ? 

The first session of the Thirtieth Congress was prolonged 
far beyond the date of the Presidential nominations of 
1848, and the canvas was actively carried on by members 
on the floor of the house. Mr. Lincoln warmly sustained 
the nomination of Gen. Taylor, and before the adjourn- 
ment of Congress, he made, in accordance with precedent 
and general practice, one of his characteristic campaign 
speeches. lie showed himself a man of decided partisan 
feelings, and entered into this contest with zeal, not only 
repelling the violent attacks upon the Whig candidate, but 
showing that there were blows to be given as well as 
taken. lie said some things in a vein of sarcastic humor 
which could only have been mistaken for actual bitterness,' 
by those who did not know the really genial character of 
the man. Argument, ridicule and illustrative anecdotes 
were brought into requisition, with great ability and un- 
sparing boldness, in setting the real issues of the canvas 

> 



52 THE LIFE OP 

political and personal, in what he deemed a proper light 
before the people. 

We quote the following characteristic and interesting 
extracts from this speech : 

WHAT A I'RESIDENT SHOULD BE. 

My friend from Indiana has aptly asked, " Are j'ou 
willing to trust the people?" Some of you answered, 
substantially, " We are willing to trust the people ; but 
the President is as much the representative of the people 
as Congress." In a certain sense, and to a certain degree, 
he is the representative of the people. He is elected by 
them, as well as Congress is. But can he, in the nature 
of things, know the wants of the jDcople as well as three 
hundred other men coming from all the various localities 
of the nation ? If so, where is the propriety of having a 
Congress ? That the Constitution gives the Preside. ;t a 
negative on legislation, all know ; but that this negative 
should bo so combined with platforms and other appliances 
as to enable him, and, in fact, almost compel him, to take 
the whole legislation into his own hands, is what we object 
to — is what Taylor objects to — and is what constitutes the 
broad distinction between you and us. To thus transfer 
legislation is clearly to take it Irom those who understand ,i 
with minuteness the interest of the peoj)le, and give it to 
one who does not and can not so well understand it. 

PLATFORMS. 

One word more, and I shall have done with this branch 
of the subject. You Democrats, and your candidate, in 
the main, are in favor of laying down, in advance, a plat- 
form — a set of party positions, as a unit ; and then of 

li 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 53 

enforcing the pco))le, by every sort of appliance, to ratify 
them, however unpalatable some of them may be. VN^'e, 
and our candidate, are in favor of making Presidential 
elections and the legislation of the country distinct 
matters ; so that the people can elect whom they please, 
and afterward legislate just as they j)lease, Avithout any 
hindrance, save onl}' so much as may guard against in- 
fractions of the Constitution, undue haste, and want of 
consideration. The difference between us is clear as noon- 
day. That we are right we can not doubt. "We hold the 
true Republican position. In leaving the people's business 
in their hands, we can not be wrong. We are willing, and 
even anxious, to go to the i)eople on this issue. 

ONE OP HONEST ABE's JOKES. 

The other day, one of the gentlemen from Georgia (Mr. 
Iverson), an eloquent man, and a man of learning, so far 
as I can judge, not being learned myself, came down upon 
us astonishingly. He spoke in what the Baltimore Amer- 
ican calls the " scathing and withering style." At the 
end of his second severe flash I was struck blind, and 
found myself feeling with my fingers for an assurance of 
my continued physical existence. A little of the bone was 
left, and I gradually revived. The gentleman gave us a 
second speech yesterday, all well considered and put down 
in writing, in which Van Buren was scathed and withered 
a " few ' for his present position and movements. I can 
not remember the gentleman's precise language, but I do 
remember he put Van Buren down, down, till he got him 
where he has finally to " stink" and " rot." 



54 THE LIFE OP 

A TRACTABLK PIIP^SIDENT. 

In 1846 Cass was for the Wilmot Proviso, at once ; in 
March, 1847 be was still for it, hut not just then ; in De- 
cember, 1847, be Avas against it altogether. This is a true 
index to the whole man. When the question was raised 
in 1846, be was in a blustering burry to take ground for 
it. He sought to be in the advance, not as a mere fol- 
lower ; but soon be began to see glimpses of the great 
Democratic ox-gad waving in his face, and to hear indis- 
tinctly a voice saying, "back, back, sir, back a little." He 
shakes bis bead and bats bis eyes, and blunders back to 
bis position of March, 1847 ; but still the gad waves, and 
tbe voice grows more distinct, and sharper still — " back, 
sir ! back, I say ! further back ! " and back be goes to tbe 
position of December, 1847; at wbicb tbe gad is still, and 
the voice sootbingl}' says—'' So ! Stand still at that." 

WONDERrUL PHYSICAL CAPACITIES. 

But I have introduced Gen. Cass's accounts here chiefly 
to show tbe wonderful physical capacities of the man. 
They show that be not only did the labor of several men 
at tbe same time, but that be often dit it at several ]}laces, 
many hundred miles apart, at the same time. And at eat- 
ing, too, bis capacities are shown to be quite as Avonderful, 
From October, 1821, to May, 1822, he ate ten rations a 
day in Micbigan, ten rations a day here, in Washington, 
and near five dollar's worth a day besides, partly on the 
road between tbe two places. And then there is an im- 
portant discovery in bis example — the art of being puid 
for what one cats, instead of having to pay for it. Here- 
atter, if any nice 3'oung man shall owe a bill wbicb he can 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 55 

not pay in any other Avay, he can just board it out. Mr. 
Spealcer, wo liavc all heard of the animal standing in 
doubt between two stacks of hay, and starving to death j 
the like of which would never happen to Gen. Cass. Place 
stacks a thousand miles apart, ho would stand stock still, 
midway between them, and eat them both at onco ; and 
the green grass along the line would be apt to suffer some 
too, at the same time. By all means, make him Presi- 
dent, gentlemen. He will feed you bounteously — if — if 
there is any left after ho sliall have helped himself. 

This speech exhibits the man in all the phrases of his 
character — acute, discerning, good humored, sarcastic, s n. 
ceer and industrious. 

Alter the session closed, Mr. Lincoln made a visit to 
New England, where ho delivered some effective campaign 
speeches, which were enthusiastically received by his largo 
audience, 9,3 appears from the reports in the journals of 
tho.se days, and as will be remembered by thousands. His 
time, however, was chiefl}' given, during the Congressional 
recess, to the canvass in the West, where, through the per- 
sonal strength of Mr. Cass as a North-western man, tho 
contest was more severe and exciting than in any other 
j)art of tho country. The final triumph of Gen. Ta3'Ior, 
over all tho odds against him, did much to counterbalance, 
in Mr. Lincoln's mind, the dishearting defeat of four yeai's 
previous. He had declined to be a candidate for re-elec- 
tion to Congress, yet ho liad tho satisfaction of aiding to 
secure, in his own district, a majority of 1,500 for the 
Whig Presidential candidates. 

Mr, Lincoln again took his seat in the House in Dccem- 



56 TUB LIFE OP 

ber, on the rcasembling of the thirtieth Congress for its 
second sessio-.i. 

With the termination of the Thirtieth Congress, by 
Constitutional limitation, on the 4th of March, 1849, Mr. 
Lin, oln's career as a Congressman came to a close. He 
had refused to be a candedate for re-election in a district 
that had given him over 1,500 majority in 1846, and nearly 
the same to G-en. Taylor, as the Whig candidate for the 
Presidency in 1848. It does not appear that he desired or 
would have accepted any place at Washington, among the 
many at the disposal of the incoming Administration, in 
whose behalf he had so zealously labored. Ho retired once 
more to private life, renewing the professional practice 
which had been temporarily interrupted by his public 
employment. The duties of his resjionsible position had 
been discharged with assiduity and with fearless adherence 
to his convictions of right, under whatever circumstances. 
Scarcely a list of yeas and nays can be found, for either 
session, which does not contain his name. He was never 
conveniently absent on anj^ critical vote. He never 
shrank from any responsibility which his sense of justice 
impelled him to take. His record, compai'atively brief as 
it is, is no doubtful one, and will bear the closest scrutiny. 
And though one of the youngest and most inexperienced 
members of an uncommonly able and brilliant Congress, 
he would long have been remembered, without the more 
recent events which have naturally followed upon his pre- 
vious career, as standing among the first in rank of the 
distinguished statesmen of the Thirtieth Congress. 

Eeturning to Springfield where ho successfully contin- 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 57 

ued his law practice, Mr, Lincoln did not take any part in 
j.iiblic affairs until the introduction of the Kansas-Xcbras- 
Ica bill, in 1848. Roused to a sense of the danger which 
menaced the country, ho at once took the field, and spoke 
against Douglas all over the State, with tremendous effect. 

In 1856, he took active part in the formation of the Re- 
publican party, and sustained the nomination of Fremont 
and Dayton against Buchanan. 

The main, the wild principles of the party are exhibited 
in the following resolution of 1854 : 

Resolved^ That tlie doctrine affirmed by the l^ebraska 
Dill, and gilded over by its advocat s with the specious 
phrases of non-intcrvcnti n and popular sovereignty, is 
really and clearly a complete surrender of all the ground 
hitherto asserted and maintained by the Federal Govern- 
men:, with respect to the limitation of slavery, is a plain 
confession of the right of the slaveholder to transfer his 
human chattels to any part of the public domain, and 
there hold them as slaves as long as inclination or interest 
may dictate; and that this is an attempt totally to reverse 
the doctrine hitherto uniformlj^ held by statesmen and 
jni-ists, that slavery is the creature of local and State law, 
and to make it a national institution. 

Resolved, That as freedom is national and slavery sec- 
tional and local, the absence of all law upon the subject 
of slavery presumes the existence of a state of freedom 
a'lone, while slavery exists only by virtue of positive law. 

And by the folloAving preamble and principal resolution 
of 1856 : 

Whereas, The present Administration has prostituted 



58 THE LIFE OP 

its powers, and devoted all its energies to the propagation 

■ of slavery, and to its extension into Territories heretofore 
. dedicated to freedom, against the known wishes of the 

■ people of such Territories, to the suppression of the free- 
dom of speech, and of the press; and to the revival of 
the odious doctrine of constructive treason, which has al- 
ways been the resort of t^n-ants, and their most powerful 
engine of injustice and oppression ; and, whereas, we are 
convinced that an effort is making to subvert the princi- 
ples, and ultimately to change the form of our Govern- 
ment, and which it becomes all patriots, all who love their 
country, and the cause of human freedom, to resist; there- 
fore, 

Resolved, That we hold, in accordance with the opinions 
and practices of all the great statesmen of all parties, for 
the first sixty years of the administration of the Govern- 
ment, that, under the Constitution, Congress possesses 
full power to prohibit slavery in the Territories ; and that 
while wo will maintain all Constitutional rights of the 
South, we also hold that justice, humanity, the principles 
of freedom as expressed in our declaration of Indepen- 
dence, and our National Constitution, and the purity and 
perpetuity of our Government require that that power 
should be everted, to prevent the extension of slavery into 
iTerritories heretofore free. 

\ Upon the accession of Mr. Buchanan to the presiden- 
tial chair, the affairs of Kansas continued to be hotly dis- 
I cussed by both parties. Judge Douglas has again and 
again been confronted by Mr. Lincoln, who, while taking 
pains to show that ho was neither an ama'gamationist or 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 59 

an emancipationist, ho he. rlily aod honestly opposed that of 
the extension of shivery into tlic territories, but even the 
idea that slavery existed by any other right than the 
absence of ex^jress law to put it down. "We quote : 

"There is a natural disgust, in the minds ofnearlj^all 
•white people, to the idea of an indiscriminate amalgamation 
of the white and black races ; and Judge Douglas evidently 
is basing his chief hope upon the chances of his being able 
to appro])riato the benefit of this disgust to himself. If 
he c:ui, b}' much drumming and repeating, fasten the 
odium of that idea upor; his adversaries, he thinks he can 
struggle through the storm. He, therefore, clings to this 
hoj)e, as a drowning man to the last plank. He makes an 
occasion for lugging it in from the opposition to the Dred 
Scott decision. He finds the Republicans insisting that 
the Declaration of Independence includes ai^l men, black 
as Avcll as white, and forthwith he boldly denies that it 
includes negroes all, and proceeds to argue gravely that 
all who counted it does, do so only because they want to 
vote, eat and sleep, and marry with negroes ! He will 
have it that they cannot be consistent else. Now, I pro- 
test against the counterfeit logic which concludes that, 
because I do not want a black woman for a slave I must 
necessarily \\ant her for a wife. I need not have her for 
cither. I can just leave her alone. In some resjiccts she 
certainly is not my equal ; but in her natural right to eat 
the bread she earns with her own hands, without asking 
leave of any one else, she is my equal, and the equal of 
all others." 

The campaign of 1858 was next ushered in. The Ee- 



GO 'HIE LIFE OF 

l^iiblioiin party nominated Mr. Lincoln for U. S. Senator 
in the place of Judge Douglas, whose term expired. It 
was in the first speech which Mr. Lincoln made in this 
memorable canvass that he used the immortal expression : 
'" I believe this government can not cndui e, permanently, 
half slave and half free." 

Judge Douglas answered in a spirited manner. He com- 
menced : " I take great pleasure in saying that I have 
known, personally and intimately, for about a quarter of 
a century, the worthy gentleman who has been nominated 
for my p'ace ; and I will say that I regard him as a kind, 
amiable and intelligent gentleman, a good citiz n, and an 
honorable opjjonent; and whatever issue I may have with 
him will be of principle, and not involving personalities," 
and then went on: "Mr. Lincoln advocates boldly and 
clearly a war of sections, a war of the North against the 
South, of the free States against the slave States^a war 
of extermination-to be continued relentlessly until the 
one or the other should bo subdued, and all the States 
shall cither become free or become slave." 

But Mr. Lincoln triumphantly replied : - I did not say 
that I was in favor of sectional war. I only said what I 
expected would take place. I made a prediction only-it 
may have been a foolish one perhaps. I did not even say 
that 1 desired that slavery should be put in course of 
ultimate extinction. I do say so now, however, so there 
need be n(» longer any difficulty about that. It may be 
written down in the next speech." 

"I am not, in the first place, unaware that this Govern- 
meat has endured eighty-two years, half slave and half 



/ 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 61 

free. I know that. I am tolerably well acquainted with 
the history of the country, and I know that it has en- 
dured eightj^-two years, half slave and half free. I believe 
— and that is what I meant to allude to there — I believe it 
has endured, because during all that time, until the intro- 
duction of the Nebraska bill, the public mind did rest all 
the time in the belief that slavery was in course of ulti- 
mate extinction. That was what gave us the rest that 
Ave had through that period of eighty-two years; at least, 
so I believe. I have always hated slavery, I think, as 
much as any Abolitionist. I have been an Old Line Whig. 
I have alwyas hated it, but I have always been quiet about 
it until this new era of the introduction of the Nebraska 
Bill began." 

Although Mr. Lincoln was not returned, yet the popu- 
hir vote for senator was over four thousand majority 
his favor. 

Admiration of the manly bearing and gallant conduct of 
Mr. Lincoln, throughout this campaign, which had early 
assumed a national importance, led to the spontaneous 
suggestion of his name, in various parts of the country, 
as a candidate for the Presidency. From the beginning 
to the end of the contest, ho had proved himself an 
able statesman, an effective orator, a true gentleman, 
and an honest man. While, therefore, Douglas was 
returned to the Senate, there was a general presentiment 
that a juster verdict was yet to be had, and that Mr. 
Lincoln and his cause would be ultimately vindicated be- 
fore the people. That time was to come, even sooner, 
perhaps, than his friends, in their momentary desponden- 



G2 TEE LIFE OP 

cy, bad expected. From thut hour to the present, the 
fame of Aln-uham Lincoln has been enlarging and ripen- 
ing, and the love of his noble character has become more 
and more deeply fixed in the popular heart. 

During the following year he again gave himself up to 
his profession ; but in the fall, when Douglas visited Ohio, 
and endeavored to sway the Democracy of that State in 
favor of the re-election of Mr, Pugh, Lincoln again took 
the political field in opposition to him. 

At Cincinnati on the l7tli of Se^Dtember he said; allud- 
ing to Douglas's perversions of his views, and to the 
charge of wishing to disturb slavery in the States by 
"shooting over" the line, Mr. Lincoln said : 

SHOOTING OVER THE LINK. 

It has occured to me here to-night, that if I ever do 
shoot over at the people on the other side of the line in a 
slave State, and purpose to do so, keeping my skin safe, 
that I have now about the best chance I shall ever have. 
[Laughter and applause.] I should not wonder if there 
are some Kentuckians about this audience ; we are close 
to Kentucky ; and whether that be so or not, we are on 
elevated ground, and by speaking distinctly, I should not 
wonder if some of the Kentuckians should hear mo on the 
other side of the river. [Laughter.] For that reason I 
propose to address a portion of what I have to say to the 
Kentuckians. 

I say, then, in the first place, to the Kentuckians, that I 
am what they call, as I understand it, a "Black Euiiubli- 
can." (Applause and Laughter.) I think that slavery is 
wrong, morally, socially and politically. I desire that it 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 63 

should l.e no furLhei- spr.ud in these United States, and I 
should not object if it should gradually terminate in tho 
M-hole Union. (Applause.) While I say this for myself, 
I say to you. Kcntuckians, that I understand that you 
differ radically with me upon this proposition ; that you 
believe slavery is a good thing ; that slavery is right ; that 
it ought to be extended and perpetuated in this Union. 
Nowlthere being this broad difference between us, I do 
not pretend in addressing myself to you, Kentuckians, to 
attempt proselyting you at all ; that would be a vain effort. 
I do not enter upon it. I only propose to try to show you 
that you ought to nominate for the nex: Presidency, at 
Charleston, my distinguished friend, Judge Douglas 
(Applause.) 

WHAT THE OPrOSITlON MEAN TO DO. 

I .viU tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for 
the Opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean 
to treat you, as nearly as we possibly can, as Washington, 
Jefferson, and Madison treated you. (Cheers.) We mean 
to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your 
institutions; to abide by all and every compromise of the 
Constitution; and, in a word, coming back to the origmal 
proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we 
have degenerated) may, imitating the examples of those 
noble fathers-Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We 
mean to remember that you are as good as we; that 
there is no difference between us other than the difference 
of circumstances. We mean to recognise and bear m 
mind always that you have as good hearts in your bosom 
as other people, or as wo claim to have, and treat you 



* THE LIFE OF 



accordingly. Wo moan to marry y„ar girls whon wo 
have a ohanco-tho wUto onos I mean (LangUor) and I 
have the honor to inform you that I onoe got a cbanco 
that way myself ( A voice, "good for you." and Applause.) 
In the spring of ISaO, Mr. Lincoln yielded to the calls 
wlHch came to him iron, the East for his presence and aid 
m the exciting political canvas.sos there going on He 
.poke at various places in Connecticut, New Hampshire, 
and Ehodc Island, and also in New York city, to ver^ 
arge audiences, and was everywhere warmly welcomed. 
Perhaps one of the greatest speeches of his life, was that 
dehvered hy him at the Cooper Institute, in New York on 
the 27th of Pebruary, 1800. A crowded audience was 
present, which roeoivcl Mr. Lincoln with enthusiastic 
demonstrations. Wil,ia,„ Cullcn Bryant presided, and 
mtroduced the speaker in terms of high compliment to the 
We.t, and to the " eminent citi.en" of that section, whose 
political labors in iSofi nnd >kq ,„ 

, . , ^^^ '^"^ ^^ ^^ere apj^ropriatcly 

eulogised. j- >■ l j 

This is the last of the great speeches of Mr. Lincoln in 
this never to be forgotten canvas. It forms a brilliant 
close to this period of his life, and a fitting prelude to that 
on winch ho has next to enter. 

It was during this visit to JSTew York that the following 
incident occurred, as related by a teacher in the Pivet 
Points House of Industry, in that city : 

Our Sunday-school in the Five Points was assen.bled 
one Sabbath morning, a few months since, whon I noticed' 
a all, and remarkablclooking man enter the rooni and 
take a seat among us. He listened with fixed attention to 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 65 

our exercises, and his countenance manifested such gen- 
uine interest, that I approached him and suggested that 
he might be willing to say something to the children. Ho 
accepted the invitation with evident pleasure, and coming 
forward began a simple address, whi.ch at once facinated 
every litth^ hearer, and hiVfehed the room into silence. Ilis 
language was strikingly beautiful, and his tones musical 
with intense feeling. The little faces around would 
droop into sad conviction as he uttered sentences of 
warning, and would brighten into sunshine as he spoke 
cheerful words of promise. Once or twice he attempted 
to close his remarks, but the imperative shout of " Go on !'♦ 
'' Oh, do go on ! " would compel him to resume. As I 
looked upDu the gaunt and sinewy frame of the stranger, 
and marked his powerful head and determined features, 
now touched into softness by the impressions of the mo- 
ment, 1 felt an irrepressible curiosity to learn something 
more about him, and when he was quietly leaving the room, 
begged to know his name. lie courteously replied, " It is 
Abra'm Lincoln, from Illinois!" 

. Upon the assembling of the Republican National Con- 
vention at Chicago. May IG, 18G0, it soon became apparent 
that the contest was to be narrowed down to two names — 
those of Wm. II. Seward of New York, and Abraham 
Lincoln of Illinois. On the first ballot Seward received 
173, and Lincoln 102 ; on the second Seward received 184, 
and Lincoln 181 j on the third Lincoln received 231, and 
Seward 180, Messrs. Chase, Cameron, Bates, Dayton, and 
McLean receiving the balance, to make up the whole 



66 THE LIFE OP 

number, or 46-1. This secured Mr. Lincoln the nomina- 
tion. 

The scene which followed — the wild manifestations of 
approval and delight, within and without the hall, pro- 
longed uninterruptedly for twenty minutes, and renewed 
again and again for half an hour longer — no words can 
describe. Never before was there a popular assembly of 
anj^ sort, probably, so stirred with a contagious and all- 
pervading enthusiasm. The nomination was made unani- 
mous, on motion of Mr. Everts, of New Yoi'lc, who had 
presented the name of Mr. Seward, and speedily, on the 
wings of lightning, the news of the great event was spread 
to all parts of the land. Subsequently, with like heartiness 
and unanimit}^ the ticket was completed by the nomina- 
tion, on the second ballot, of Senator Hannibal Hamlin, of 
Maine, for Vice-President. 

On the 23d, Mr. Lincoln addressed the following letter 
of acceptance to the Convention : 

Springfield, III., May 23, 1860. 
Hon. Geo. Ashmun, 

President of the liepuhlican National Convention : 

Sir: — I accept the nomination tendered me by the con- 
veniion over which you presided, and of which I am for- 
mally apprised in the letter of yourself and others, acting 
as a committee of the convention for that purpose. 

The declaration of principles and sentiments which ac- 
companies your letter meets my approval; and it shall be 
my care not to violate, nor disregard it, in any jiart. 

Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with 
due regard to the views and feelings of all who wore rej)- 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 67 

resented in the convention ; to the rights of all the States, 
and Territories, and the people of the nation ; to the invi- 
olability of the Constitution, and to the perpetual union, 
harmony and prosperity of all, 1 am most happy to co- 
operate for the practical success of the principles declared 
by the Convention. 

Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, 

Abraham Lincoln. 
We have thus followed this great statesman, this kind- 
hearted, genial man, this uncouth but warm-hearted Wes- 
tern pioneer, from his obscure home in the wilderness to 
his nomination to the highest office in the gift of the na- 
tion. We have now to speak of him after four years of 
varied experience in this office. We shall endeavor to do 
so without fear or favor. 



CHAPTER V. 
The President, 

The hour. Mr. Lincoqn's retnrtance to begin hostililtes. The temper 
of the people and of Couijrexs. The battle of Bull liuu. Preperations 
for a portable struggle. War meucsurcs. Mr. Lincoln not rexponsihle 
for thevi. The sliivery question. Mr. Lindoltis comprmi.e. Emancipa- 
tion hill. The Eiiunicipation Proclamation- Personal appearance and 
habits of the President. Fivalcial measures. Determanation to restore 
the Union. The Confederate election. The end. 

In reviewing the career of President Lincoln during 
his past four years of office we must not only bear in 
mind what lets our previous opinions were^but aa for 



68 THE LIFE OP 

public opinion and the acts of Congress have attended to 
influence its conduct. 

Taking all these into jDropcr consideration we have fre- 
quent occasions as we go along to admire the profound 
patriotism and practical wisdom and common sense which 
has distinguished his Presidential term. 

First of all, was it or was it not wise in Mr. Lincoln to 
call for 75,000 troops on the 15th of April, 18G1, and by 
this act accept the gage of battle which the bombardment 
of Fort Sumter had thereon drawn. It would scarcely be 
worth while to assume this question which the nation 
itself has answered so often, were there not left multitudes 
of our fellow citizens who still believe that Mr. Lincoln 
inaugerated this war, notwithstanding the most direct 
proofs to the contrary. 

Now wherein was Mr. Lincoln to blame ? He was 
duly elected President of the United States and took his 
oath of office at a junction where the stoutest mind 
might faii-ly have quailed from the task before it. 

The Southern States seeing in his election the triumph 
of a party whose principles were objectionable to them, 
and forgetting that the limited povv'er of a pres dent must 
ever restrict him in time of peace from doing them an}^ 
harm, had resolved to strike for their independence. Mr. 
Lincoln's dut}^ was plain. The right of revolution he here 
denied, when he said in his speech of January 12, 1858, 
quoted on a previous page, " Any people may, when 
having the power, have the right." ELe had either to as- 
sume all the responsibilities of admitting the doctrine of 
peaceful secession, or open the door to a civil war that 



AHRARAM 1 INCOLN. " 69 

might not only last for many years, but lead in the end to 
military asoondoncy and the loss of our own liberties at 
home. It was a moment of eventful hesitation. Durino- 
this period the news camo of Sumter's fall, aiid the entire 
North was raised to a pitch of intense excitement. The 
people were lashed into fury, and men asked each other 
impatiently if Mr. Lincoln intended to submit to this tliinf 
any longer. It was with extreme reluctance that Honest 
Abe at last gave the signal. It was only when all other 
argamets had failed that the last of all arguments was 
employed, the argument of brute force, of war, war upon 
our brethren, maddened into fury b}- their own o-rouudless 
apprehensions. 

Mr. Lincoln felt as we all did at the time, that the war 
was a mere bagatelle, and would soon be over. The 75,000 
troops were expected to awe the South into an attitude of 
reason, even without striking a blow. They were only 
called out for three months. Excited meetings held all 
over the North in support of the government, and denun- 
elation of suspe. ted secessionists, gave the most jjosifve 
proof that the people were for strong measures. Had Mr. 
Lincoln acted in contradiction to this state of feeling, he 
would have been false to his office and his oath. It was 
not until the 4th of May that three years volunteers were 
called for. Meanwhile, the popular demonstrations for 
coercion were too unmistaken. Flags were raised, news- 
papers compelled to change their tone, public speakers 
called to order, and everything made to run in Union 
channels. On the 4th of July an extra sesssion of Con- 
gress was called, when the President recommended the 



70 THE LIFE OF 

raising of 400,000 men, unci 8400,000,000. Tha battles of: 
Phillijn and Big Bctlicl had been fought ; the war was in 
evitable. If Mr. Lincon had been the ranJcest of secession- 
ists the war Avould have gone on just the same. The tern- -j 
per of Congress demonstrated this. Had he even chosen i! 
to veto the war measures it passed, they would have been 
passed again over his head. How then can the charge • 
of inciting this war be held against Mr. Lincoln ? The' 
thing is untenable. 

The events of the foi'tnight succeeding the" meeting ofi 
Congress must be still fresh in every American mind. On i 
the 21st of July the battle of Bull Run was fought. Here 
comes a pause in history. Both parties at once became 
aware that the struggle Avas to bo one of life and death. J 
It was to be no armed mob on one side, and a sheriff's 
posse comitatus on the other. Well-ttained armies were to 
meet each other in strategic fields, and battle perhaps for 
many a year for union or dissolution. Still the majority 
of the people and with them the President and his cabineti 
believed that a few months preparation would fit our ar- 
mies for the work of quick triumph. If Mr. Lincoln be- 
lieved otherwise, if he foresaw that years might pass away 
before peace was restored, if he caught but a single 
glimpse of the " many jjossible phases into which civil war 
might grow," if ho remembered that while we were mak- 
ing preparation the enemy was doing the same, ho was 
guilty of a groat wrong in not making the people better 
informed. Then, if they saw fit, they could cither have 
gone on as they have done, or relinquished the L^nion ati 
the start, and had done with it. But we have no reason 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 71 

to suppose that Mr. Lincoln saw further than others did in 
these matters. Indeed, it was impossible to foresee, for 
both the temper of the South and its resources for war 
were hidden from us. And the temper of the North was 
to • unequivocal to permit us to believe she would ever 
have consented to any other course than the oae she 
adopted. 

Saj-s Mr. Alex. Delmar, the biographer of General 
McOlellan : " Before the breaking out of the Avar, there 
were, in the first wild days of national excitement, but 
two parties — those for and those against the South — or, 
Secessionists and Unionists. No one stopped to think of 
the many possible phases into which civil war might grow. 
It was expected that it would end in a few days with an 
inevitable re-establishment of the national authority, and 
that consequently, any man who had proved so treacher- 
ous as to raise his voice in favor of the enemy, would ever 
afterward be pointed at as a traitor. So there were only 
two sides to the question — Union or Secession." * 

This furnishes the key to the first part of Mr. Lincoln's 
administration. He had either to be for or against the 
South, either for Union or Secession. At this period the 
questions of expatiation, confiscation, amnesty, disposal 
of fugitive slaves, conscription, suppression of spoken and 
planted discontent at home, emancipation, national debt, 
occupation of conquered territory, &c., &c., had not been 
touched upon. But during that time, when the army of 
the Potomac under Mc Clellan was being organized for an 
earnest contest, these matters began to loom forth from 
amidst the terrible confusion of interests and revulsion of 

* Life of Geo B. Ma Clellan, Published by T. H, DAWLEY, N. Y. 



72 THE LIFE OP 

ideas, which aro always occasioned by civil war. The 
Democratic Standard, of Concord, New Hampshire, was 
suppressed by soldiers and its office destroyed, the War 
Bulletin, and 3Iissourian of St. Louis, suppressed by Gen. 
Fremont, the writ of Habeas Corpus served on Col. Burke 
at Fort Lafayette was refused to be obeyed, and the sum 
of $15,000 levied upon the people of St Joseph, Mis., by 
Gen. Pope. The Jeffersonian, at Westchester, Pa., was 
cleaned out, the New York War Path, Daily News, Journal 
of Commerec, and Day Book refused the privilege of the 
mails, the Philadelphia Christian Observer office closed by 
the U.S. marshall, contrabands harbored at Fortress Mon- 
roe, secession meetings broken up at Stralenburg, N. J., and 
other points, martial law proclaimed all over Missouri, and 
Democratic, or Eccognition newspapers indicted by grand 
juries. Oaths of allegiance were introduced, that ad- 
ministered to Eoss Wiuans, of Baltimore, in September 
18G1, being an instance ; $33,000 in the St. Louis Savings 
Association were confiscated as being the property of the 
Cherokees who had joined the Confederates, amnesty 
offered by Gen. Wilson in Kentucky, contrabands supplied 
with food raiment and money by Gen. Wool, the writ of 
Habeas Corpus suspended by the President, military paroles 
and exchanges inaugcrated, John C. Breckenridge indicted 
for treason, exportation of war materials prohibited, and 
a variety of other measures, none of which were dreamed 
of six months ago, were put in force. This state of affairs 
did not last long. New political ideas were broached 
every day ; new phases of national existence disclosed 
themselves ; new measures became necessary. Was it 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 73 

Strange that Mr, Li,>coln sl.ould have differed a little iro.u 
the opinions he had ]>reviously applied to a state of peace 
and inaction, or to a state of one just ushered in, and 
bidding fair to end almost immediately. 

The fall campaigns of 18G1, and tiie spring campai-ni of 
18G2, next followed. During the form.;, we gained 
Roanoke Island and the sea board of North Carolina, occu-- 
pied Norfolk, captured the Forts on the Tennessee and 
upper Mississippi, and gained various successes at other 
points During the latter. New Orleans was captured and 
the celebrated Peninsular campaign inaugurated. This 
campaign at once demonstrated the great power of our 
enemies to cany on war_a power which before was se- 
riously questioned. 

It was now seen to be impossible to carry on the war 
and at the same time have that strict regard for the nor' 
mal rights of those who stood with arms in their hands to 
defy us, which had been promised when the war seemed 
to be but a transient atfair. Confiscation of rebel property 
was deemed a matter of necessity, both as a just retalia- 
tion for the rebel confiscation of Northern debts and 
property, and as a war measure to weaken the resources 
of the enemy. 

The imprisonment of active secessionists was another 
measure of necessity. To leave these persons to openly 
preach and practice doctrines against which the majority 
had declared and were fighting, was impossible. Even 
in executing it, much forbearance was exhibited. To every 
one imprisioned there were hundreds who escaped. Some 
mistakes were made of course, but these could not be 



,74 THE IJFE OP 

lielpcd, howcvei' luueli they wore to be regretted. Onc( 
iidmit tliat the war was unavoidable, and we cannot wel 
see liow the contrary can be established, all the rest fol 
lowed as the natural result of war. 

On the 1st of December, 18G2, the President, coiifiden 
that without slavery the rebellion could never have ex 
isted ; without slavery it could not continue, bad embodie( 
in his annual message to Congress a proposition of grad 
ual emancipation. This proposition, which proved tba 
he was still opposed to violent measures on this subjed 
w^as couched in the following terms : 

'■Resolved hy the Senate and House of Representatives of th 
United States of America in Congress assembled^ (two third 
of both Houses concurring) that the following articles b 
purposed to the Legislatures (or conventions) of the sev( 
ral States, as amendments to the Constitution of th 
United States, all or any of which articles when ratifie 
by three fourths of the said Legislatures (or conventions 
to be valid as part or parts of the said Constitutioi 
namely: 

"Article. — Every State wherein slaveiy now exists, whic 
shall abolish the same therein, at any time, or times, b( 
fore the first da}' of January, in the year of our Lord on 
thousand nine hundred, shall receive compensation froi 
the United States, to wit : 

" The President of the United States shall deliver t 
every such State bonds of the United States, bearing ii 
terest at the rate of — per cent, per annuni, to an amour 

equal to the aggregate sum of fur each slave show 

to have been therein, by the eighth census of the Unite 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 75 

States, said bonds to bo delivered to such States by in- 
stullmonts, or in one parcel at the completion of the abol- 
ishment, accordingly as the same shall have been gradual, 
or at one time, within such State ; and interest shall begin 
to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of 
its delivery aforesaid. Any State having received bonds 
as aibresaid, and afterwards re-introducing or tolei'ating 
shivery therein, shall refund to the United States the 
bonds so received or the value thereof, and all interest 
paid thereon. 

"Article. — All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual frce- 
iom by the chances of the war at any time before the 
3nd of the rebellion, shall be forever free ; but all owners 
3f such, who shall not have been disloyal, shall be com- 
pensated for them, at the same rates as is provided for 
States adopting abolishment ot slavery, but in such wa}'' 
iihat no slave shall be twice accounted for. 

"AiiTicLE. — Congress may appropriate money and other- 
tvise provide for colonizing free colored persons, with 
:heir own consent, at anj^ jdacc or places without the 
United Slates." 

This proposition contained two measures, one of grad- 
lal emancipation with compensation, and the other recog- 
nizing the freedom of those who had already gained it 
)f their own effort. 

Though the former was never adopted by the States, 
;he laUcr was afterwards developed into the celebrated 
jmancipation proclamation of January 1, 1863. 

The President's mind was gradually changing. At first 
ie was for avoiding all interference with slavery, except 



7-4 THE LIFE OP 

hulped, however much they wore to be regretted. Once 
tidmlt that the war was unavoidable, and we cannot Avell 
see how the contrary can be established, all the rest fol- 
lowed as the natural result of war. 

On the 1st of December, 1862, the President, confident 
that without slavery the rebellion could never have ex- 
isted ; without slavery it could not continue, had embodied 
in his annual message to Congress a proposition of grad- 
ual emancipation. This proposition, which proved that 
he was still opposed to violent measures on this subject, 
was couched in the following terms : 

^Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled^ (two thirds 
of both Houses concurring) that the following articles be 
purposed to the Legislatures (or conventions) of the seve- 
ral States, as amendments to the Constitution of the 
United States, all or any of which articles when ratified 
by three fourths of the said Legislatures (or conventions) 
to be valid as part or parts of the said Constitution, 
namely : 

"Article. — Every State wherein slaveiy now exists, which 
siiall abolish the same therein, at any time, or times, be- 
fore the first da}'' of Januarj^, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand nine hundred, shall receive compensation from 
the United States, to wit : 

" The President of the United States shall deliver to 
every such State bonds of the United States, bearing in- 
terest at the rate of — per cent, per annum, to an amount 

equal to the aggregate sam of for each slave shown 

to have been therein, by the eighth census of the United 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 75 

States, said bonds to bo delivered to such Slates by in- 
stallments, or in one parcel at the completion of the abol- 
isluiiout, accordingly as the same shall have been gradual, 
or at one time, within such State ; and intei'cst shall begin 
to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of 
its delivery aforesaid. Any State having received bonds 
as aforesaid, and afterwards re-introducing or tolci*ating 
slavery therein, shall refund to the United States the 
bonds so received or the value thereof, and all interest 
paid thereon. 

"Article. — All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual free- 
dom by the chances of the war at any time before the 
end of the rebellion, shall be forever free ; but all owners 
of such, who shall not have been disloyal, shall be com- 
pensated for them, at the same rates as is provided for 
States adopting abolishment of slavery, but in such way 
that no slave shall bo tAvice accounted for. 

'•Article. — Congress may approj^riate money and other- 
wise provide for colonizing free colored persons, with 
their own consent, at any jilace or places without the 
United States." 

This proposition contained two measures, one of grad- 
ual emancipation with compensation, and the other recog- 
nizing the freedom of those who had already gained it 
of their own effort. 

Though the former was never adopted by the States, 
the latter was afterwards developed into the celebrated 
emancipation proclauiatiou of January 1, 1863. 

The President's mind was gradually changing. At first 
he was for avoiding all interference with slavery, except 



76 THE LIFE OP 

SO fax" as regarded the District of Columbia. But the war 
by disclosing the irreconcilable interests of free and slave 
labor taught him that the Union must, to rcmtiin invio- 
late, become either all free or all slave. Besides that, sla- 
very was discovered to be a source of strength instead of 
an element of weakness to the rebels so long as we res- 
pected it, and it became necessary to the success of the 
war that a blow should bo levelled at it. Reluctant to 
the last to inaugurate such a policy, Mr. Lincoln offered 
this bill as a compromise. He accompanied it with these 
words : 

" Among the friends of Union there is great diversity 
of sentiment and of policy, in regard to slavery and the 
African race among us. Some would perpetuate slavery ; 
some would abolish it suddenly and without compensa- 
tion ; some would abolish it gradually and with compen- 
sation ; some would remove the freed people from us, and 
some would retain them with us; and there are yet other 
minor diversities. Because of these diversities, we waste 
much strength in struggles among ourselves. By mutual 
concession we should harmonize and act together. This 
would be compromise; but it would be compromise among 
the friends, and not with the enemies of the Union. These 
articles are not intended to embody a plan of such mu- 
tual concessions. If the plan shall be adopted, it is as- 
sumed that emancipation will follow, at least in several 
of the States." 

But it was too late. The Southerners would not back 
down, clearly in the wrong as they were, and the war 
went on. 

! 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 77 

During this time Mr. Lincoln worked nigl\t nnd day in 
his office. 

The routine of his daily life wo can give in no better 
words than those in which it is related in the volume of 
Old Abo's Jokes, published by T. R. Dawley : 

"Mr. Lincoln is an early riser, and he thus is able to de- 
vote two or three hours each morning to his voluminous 
private correspondence, besides glancing at a city paper. 
At nine he breakfasts— then walks over to the war office, 
to read such war telegrams as they give him, (occasionlly 
some are withheld,) and tojiave a chat Avith General Hal- 
leckon the military situation, in which betakes a great 
interest. Eeturning to the White House, he goes through 
with his morning's mail, in company with a private secre- 
tary, who makes a minute of the reply which he is to make 
—and others the President retains, that he may ansAver 
them himself Every letter receives attention, and all 
which are entitled to a reply receive one no matter how 
they are worded, or how inelegant the chirography may 
be. 

'•Tuesdays and Fridays are cabinet days, but on other 
days visitors at the AVhite House are requested to w^ait in 
the anti-chamber, and send in their cards. Sometimes, 
before the President has finished reading his mail Louis 
will have a handful of pasteboard, and from the cards laid 
before him Mr. Lincoln has visitors ushered in, givino- pre- 
cedence to acquaintances. Three or four hours do they 
pour in, in rapid succession, nine out of ten asking offices, 
and patiently does the President listen to their application. 
Care and anxiety have fun-owed his rather homely features 



80 THE LIFE OP 

look of dignity coupled with all this grotesqueness, and 
3-0U will have the impression left upon rae by Abraham 
Lincoln-" 

Many curious anecdotes are told of him and man}^ by 
him, but as these would evidently be out of place in this 
volume we refer the reader to the work just quoted, where 
a very complete selection may be found. 

In connection with Mr. Lincoln's administration it may 
not be out of place to make a few remarks with regard 
to the financial measures adopted by Congress, aud ap- 
proved b}'' himself 

At the beginning of the war, the public debt was but 
eighty millions. The sum of four hundred millions was 
deemed necessary to purchase supplies, and organize our 
forces. This sum could not be raised in cither money or 
goods, without fatal delay. The onl}^ tw^o measures left 
were, either to raise it in small sums repeatedl}^ or at 
once by means of a paper issue. The first method would 
have been the better, but it required time, and in the end 
might not have succeeded. The second could be carried 
into effect immediatel}', and with absolute certainty of 
success. It presented but one disadvantage — that of legal 
tender. Without this quality, its success was at best very 
equivocal ; with it, the organization and arming our forces 
could go on without accident or delay. Fully aware of 
its dangerous character, but assured that no other way 
was open to it, Congress passed the law of legal tender, 
and Mr. Lincoln approved it. Since that time, and up to 
the present, (October, 18G4), various treasury bills have 
been passed by Congress, all based upon the legal tender 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 31 

act. The debt has increased to the sum of two thousand 
millions, of which seven hundred millions are legal tender 
currency, and the remainder short and long bonds, at va- 
rious rates of interest and for various periods. This seven 
hundred millions of currency which, with the State bank's 
issues of one hundred and fifty millions, makes up three 
times as much currency', (foreign debts and domestic cred- 
its neutralizing each other), as the country requires for 
the purposes of trade. It is this which has caused the 
prices of gold and all other products of labor to be three 
times as much as of old. The debt of the country might 
be twice as much as it is, and if the total currency were 
not over three hundred millions, (commercial credits, &c., 
being equal), prices would recede to their former figures 
before the war. For this reason, it has ever been Mr. 
Lincoln's endeavor to curtail the circulation, and in his 
various messages he has alwaj's adhered to this desire. 
On the 19th of January, 1863, in a special message to Con- 
gress he took occasion, while approving of the one hun- 
dred million bill it had passed, to deprecate the farther 
issue of United States notes, as tending to inflat-^ and de- 
base the currency. 

But his finalcial minister, Mr. Chase, did not prove 
equal to the emergency. He was accordingly removed on 
the 1st of July, 1864. Mr. Chase could not manage to 
raise money without increasing the currencj-. lie was to 
much bound up in his pet system of National banks. Since 
then, Mr. Fessenden has demonstrated tlie thing to be 
practicable, and no furthur issues of any moment had 
been made. The debt has increased, bu. not the currency. 



82 THE LIFE OP 

Aud now as regards the debt. It has been a continual 
source of attack by those inimical to Mr. Lincoln's admin- 
istration, that the debt is almost equal to the entire wealth 
of the loyal States. This sui'plus wealth according to the 
last census, amounted to about 3,000 millions of moveable 
property, and 7,000 millionri of real estate. 

The latter, of course, being cntirel}^ useless as a basis of 
credit or a means of supporting liostilities, we leave out 
of the question. The sum of 3,000 millions therefore truly 
represented, we will eay, the moveable or disposable 
wealth of the loyal States in ISGO. 

Assuming that it has increased to 4,000 millions in the 
meantime, an increase very much below the usual rate 
of augmentation, let us see how much of this has been 
used up in the war. 

The present debt is 7,000 millions, it is true, but it must 
be remembered though this does not represent over half its 
amount of supplies. The balance represents profits, and 
these profits are returned to the nation. In other words 
the rabid and reckless contractors and sutlers, have not 
failed to charge double prices for every thing furnished to 
the Grovernment or soldiers, so that 7,000 millions of debt 
only represent 1,000 millions of property consumed in the 
war. These unconscionable practices no longer exists, for 
the Government is now wide awake , and cannot be 
cheated so easily as it was with the Cataline, and the $3 
condemned muskets, and other runious contracts made at 
I the outset of the war. 

Contractors and sutlers now-a-days can do little more 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Q$ 

than mako an honest living. Tiic days of public rapine 
arc gone by. 

Thus wc perceive that, with a debt that represents but 
1,000 millions of actual propcrtj-, out of 4,000 millions of 
actual wealth, to say nothing of our lands and the bu Id- 
ingsand other improvements thereon, the people of tho 
loyal United States have suffered but little in the an-o-re- 
gate, even from four years of gigantic warfare. 

This fiiet alone should shed lustre upon tho head of Mr. 
Lincoln, wiio by his own striek regard for law and his ad* 
miral measures of Administration, has kept the nation 
intact, and enabled it to persue, even in the midst of war, 
those peaceful arts, which alone can furnish means to 
mantain a protracted struggle in the field. 

Among the many admirable qualities of Mr. Lincoln, 
there is none so noticeable as the warmth and purity of 
style whicli cliaractcrizes bis correspondence and official 
documents. This is at once an index to the man's nature; 
a nature lofty, simple, and ardent. What could be more 
truly sublime than the sentiments addressed by Mr. Lin- 
coln to the Avorkingmcn of Manchester, in response to a 
letter from them approving of his manly and patriotic 
course of action in the government of this country durino* 
the tM'o years and a half of civil war ? What more simple 
and unaffected than the charming note he addressed to Mr. 
Hackett, the actor? What more ardent than the impas- 
sioned appeal he addressed to the country upon the sub- 
ject of the gradual Emancipation bill already quoted. Said 
A.Lincoln in this memorable document : 

" 1 do not forget the gravity which should characterize 



8-1 THE LIFE OP 

IV ])aper addressed to the Congress of the nation, by the 
Cbicf Magistrate of the nation. Nor do I forget that some 
of you are my seniors, nor that many of you have more 
experience than I, in the conduct of public affairs. Yet, I 
trust that in view of the great responsibility resting upon 
me, you will perceive no want of respect to yourselves, in 
any undue earnestness I may seem to display." 

"Is it doubted, then, that the plan I jiropose, if adopted 
would shorten the war, and thus lessen its expendiure of 
money and of blood ? Is it doubted that it would restore 
the national authority and national prosperity, and per- 
petuate both indcfinitel)'^ ? Is it doubted that we here — 
Congress and Executive — can secure its adoption ? Will 
not the good people respond to a united and earnest ap- 
peal from us ? Can we, can they, by an^^ other means, so 
certamlj' or so speedily, assure these vital objects? We 
can succeed only b}^ concert. It is not 'can any of us im- 
agine better,' but 'can we all do better '/* 

" The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the 
stormy present. The occasion is piled high with diffl* 
cully, and we must rise with the occasion. As ' ur case is 
new, so we must think anew, and act anew. We must 
disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our countr}*. 

"Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history-. We, of 
this Congress and this administration, will be remembered 
in spite of ourselves. No personal significance, or insig- 
nificance, can sjoare one or another of us, The fiery trial 
through which we pass will light us down in honor or 
dishonor, to the latest generation. "We say we are for the 
Union. The world will not forget that we say this. AYo 



ADRjI^AM LINCOLN. 85 

know how to save the Union. The world knows wo 
do know how to save it. We — even we hero — hold the 
power, and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to 
the slave we assure freedom to the free — honorable alike 
in that wo give and what we preserve. We shall nobly 
save, or meanl}' lose, the last best hope of earth. Other 
means may succeed ; this could not fail. The way is plain, 
peaceful, generous, just — a way which, if followed, the 
world will forever applaud, and God must forever bless." 

The writer is no hero-worshipper, and has refrained 
during the course of this work fioni rendering many a 
just tribute to Mr. Lincoln's character, for fear of falling 
into a style of adulation, but he appeals to any right- 
minded man, whatever be his political opinions, to say 
whether the foregoing extract is not full of beauties which 
necessarily reflect the mind that conceived it. 

The italics are copied from the original, or wo should 
have wished to italicise these lines. 

'" Above al, fellow citizens, we cannot escape history, We of 
this Congress, and this Administration, will be rcmemberedin 
spite of ourselves." What sincerity and truthfulness of 
m'.nd shines all through these sentences ! " The fiery trial 
through lohich toe pass will light us down in honor or dis- 
honor to the latest generation.' Can the lips which uttered 
these words be those of an obscene joker, the character 
with which he is charged by his political enemies ? 

" We say ice are for the Union. The world will not forget 
that we say this." Can the mind which prompted these 
noble words be the same, which, as these same enemies 
charge, longed for a ribald song over the heroic cerements 



86 THE LIFE OP 

of Gett3\sburg ? Impossible. The stately march of such a 
phrase as this never issued from a brain capable of low de- 
sires or impure thoug-bts. ^- In giving freedom to the slave ^ 
or assure freedom to the free — honorhle alike in what we give, 
and what ice j^rescrve." Mr. Lincoln is unquestionably of 
an affable temper and cheerful turn of mind; he has 
an encouraging smile for this one, a joke for that, and 
a kind word for all. But he is never obscene in his 
seasonable merriment, and those who ascribe to him such 
a quality seriously mistake his character. 

What can be more becoming, more respectful, more de 
corous, than this paragraph ? 

^^ Ido not forget the gravity which should characterize a 
paper addressed to the Congress of the nation by the Chief Ma- 
gistrate of the nation. Xor do I forget that some of you are 
my seniors ; nor that many of you have more experience than 
I, in the conduct of public affairs," 

How like, it sounds, to the dignified address of Othello to 
the Venetian Senate, commencing : '* Most potent, grave, 
and reverend segniors. 

Be assured, fellow citizens, the man who can employ 
such language as this, upon occasions so eventful, is worthy 
of an}' distinction to which you can elevate him. What- 
ever the homeliness of his exterior, depend upon it, that 
honesty and true worth dwells beneath all. 

In former daj's of European tumult the posessors of those 
masterpieces of art, each of which was a princely fortune 
of itself, resorted to a curious artifice to preserve their 
treasures from the sack and pillage of conquering armies. 
They covered over their pictures with a composition upon 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 87 

Avliicli a second piciure could be painted. This second or 
outer picture Avas purpose!}' executed as rudelj- as possi- 
ble in ordor that its Imnible and unattractive appearance 
miglit save it from being a deniable object to the marau. 
ders. 

In this manner a vast number of priceless raasterpeices 
escape destruction, although at the total cost of their merit, 
until some appreciative hand of modern daj's detects the 
false daub, and patiently removes it to disclose the match- 
less future beneath. 

It is such a task as this which we would delight to per- 
foi-m for the character of Mr. Lincoln — but our space for- 
bids it, nor is it scarcel}- necessary in his case. The entire 
nation has long since discovered what merits he possesses 
millions of human eyes gazing upon him at once, how 
pierce his faults and disclose his motives, and the verdict 
of the people is, taking him for all in all, we call him 
"Honest Abe." 

We now approach those events of Mr. Lincoln's life, 
which bear more pointedly upon the issues of the present 
political campaign, and shall endeavor to dispose of them 
as fairl}' and lighth-as possible. 

Upon his accession to power there were, as wo have 
said, but two political parties — that for, and that against 
the South. 

After the battle of Bull Run,.iind particularlv after the 
Peninsular campaign, there began to bo a greater diver- 
sity of opinion on national subjects. It was felt that the 
war was not to be a short one, and many honest citizens 
began to inquire if it were not possible to pay too great a 



88 THE LIFE OP 

i 
price for Union, This produced the peace party, who dif- 

lered from the Copperheads, or Secessionists, in this, that 
■while they were in favor of letting the South go, they 
were so, not because tliey thought she has right, but be- 
cause they feared that she would ultimately succeed, and 
all our energies have been needlessly wasted in attempt- 
ing to prevent her. Besides that, they looked with alarm 
upon encroachments the government was obliged to mako 
upon some of the reserved rights of the States, as in the 
case of a national currency, a conscriptio.a law, &c. They 
also apprehended nothing short of a declared despotism,*- 
from the cases of military and political arrests, &c., which 
now and then unavoidably occurred, and desired to puL a 
stop to it at once. 

The arrest of the Maryland Legislature and the incarce- 
ration of some irrepi'cssible secessionists made them liken 
Mr. Lincoln to Oliver Cromwell. Democracy began to 
tremble for its existence. But they mistook the man, that's 
all. The fire of liberty truly is eternal vigilance, but the 
country might go to sleep and safely leave Abraham Lin-( 
coin to take a generous and jealous care of its liberties. 

Then another party began to spring up. There were a 
number of jealous emancipationist who forgot that a nation 
is a cumbrous body and necessarily moves slowly, who were 
dissatisfied with Mr. Lincoln's slow and careful steps to- 
wards the settlement of the great question of negro 
slavery in the United States. They foresaw that in 
order to terminate the war, slavery must be forever ex- 
terminated, but they forgot that they were still but a 
minority, and that to but a remedy in lorce, which was 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 89 

opposed to tho wishes of the majority, we only cause 
the evil to be the more adL eared to. Time was required, 
as well as some more actual experience, to convince the 
nation that Union was impossible under the old terms. 
This necessary time the Radicals were for jumping over. 

To this Mr. Lincoln objected. Tliey accordingly began 
to hate him with undisguised cordiality. They denounced 
him in Congress, and attacked him in a partisan press 
which they established, at the head of which was the New 
Nation, published by Gen. Fremont in New York, From 
the pulpit he was anathematized by such eminent politi- 
cal divines as the Eev. Dr. Cheever, while the rostrum 
poured forth bold denunciations through the speeches of 
Wendell Phillips. All Eadicaldom was in arms against 
him. At the same time he was exposed to the attacks oC 
the peace party or the Democracy, and had his hands full 
with the war, the government, and the copperheads, or 
secessionists. 

But all these assau ts proved futile. Mr, Lincoln was 
not to be swayed, either by book or bell. He kept on the 
even tenor of his way, with but one object in view — Un- 
ion — all else being subservient to this one great idea. 

When the time came to nominate a successor to tho 
office he had filled with so much ability and integritj" for 
over three years, Mr. Lincoln was again almost unanim- 
ously chosen by the convention, this time assembled at 
Baltimore. The vote for President in the Baltimore nom- 
inating convention, June 9, 1864, was as follows : 

For Mr. Lincoln. — Maine 14, New Hampshire 10, Ver- 
mont 10, Massachusetts 24, Rhode Island 8, Connecticut 



90 THE LIFE OP 

12, New York 66, New Jcrsej- 14, Penns^-lvania 52, Dela. 
ware 6, Maryland 14, Louisiana 14, Arkansas 10, Tennes- 
see 15, Kentucky 22, Ohio 42, Indiana 26, Illinois 32, Mich- 
igan 16, Wisconsin 16, Iowa 16, Minnesota 8, California 10, 
Oregon 6, West Virginia 10, Kansas 6, Nebraska 6, Colo- 
rado 6, Nevada 6. Total 497. 

For Gen. Grant. — Missouri 22. 

The following are the resolutions constituting the plat- 
form : 

jResolved, That it is the highest duty of every American 
citizen to maintain against all their enemies the integrity 
of the Union and the paramount authority of the Consti- 
tution and laws of the United States, and that, laying 
aside all differences and political opinions, we pledge our- 
selves as Union men, animated by a common sentiment 
and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our 
power to aid the government in quelling by force of arms 
the rebellion now raging against its authority, and in 
bringing to the punishment due to their crimes the rebels 
and traitors arraj'^ed against it. 

Resolved, That we approve the determination of the gov- 
ernment of the United States not to compromise with 
rebels or to offer any terms of peace, except such as may 
be based upon an " unconditional surrender" of their hos- 
tility and a return to their just allegiance to the Constitu- 
tion and laws of the United States; and that we call 
upon the government to maintain this position, and to 
prosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor to the 
complete suppression of the rebellion, in full reliance vi\)on 
the self-sacrifices, the patriotism, the heroic valor and the 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 91 

undj-ing devotion of tho Atnerican people to their coun- 
try Mild its free institutions. 

Resolved, That as slavery was the cause and now con- 
stitutes the strength of this rebellion, and as it must bo 
always and everywhere hostile to tho principles of Repub- 
lican government, justice and national safety demand its 
utter and complete extirpation from tho soil of the re- 
public, and that we uphold and maintain the acts and proc- 
lamations by whicli the government, in its own defence, 
has aimed a death blow at this gigantic evil ; wo are in 
favor, furthermore, of such an amendment to the Consti- 
tution, to be made by the people, in conformity with its 
provisions, as shall terminate and for ever prohibit the 
existence of slavery within the limits or tho jurisdiction 
oi the United States. 

Resolved, Tliat the thanks of the American people are 
due to the soldiers and sailors of the army and navy 
(applause), who have periled their lives in defense of their 
countr}' and in vindication of the honor of the flag ; that 
the nation owes to them some permanent recognition of 
their patriotism and their valor, and ample and perma- 
nent provisions for those of their survivors who have re- 
ceived disabling and honorable wounds in the service of 
the country; and that the memories of those who have 
fallen in its defense shall be held in gi'ateful and everlast- 
ing remembrance. 

Resolved, That we approve and applaud the practical 
wisdom, the unselfish patriotism, and unswerving fidelity 
to the Constitution and the principles of American liberty 
which Abraham Lincoln has discharged, under circum- 



92 THE LIFE OP 

stances of unparalleled difficulty, the great duties and re- 
sponsibilities of the Presidential office ; that we approve 
and indorse, as demanded by the emergency and essential 
to the preservation of the nation, and as -within the Con- 
stitution, the measures and acts which he has adopted to 
defend the nation against its open and secret foes ; that 
we approve especially the proclamation of emancipation, 
and the employment as Union soldiers of men heretofore 
held in slavery, and that we have full confidence in his 
determination to carry these and all other constitutional 
measures essential to the salvation of the country into 
full and complete effect. 

Resolved, That we deem it essential to the general wel- 
fare that harmony should prevail in the national councils 
and we regard as worthy of public confidence and official 
trust those only who cordially indorse the principles pro- 
claimed in these resolutions, and which should charac. 
terize the administration of the government. 

Eesolvcd, That the government owes to all men em- 
ployed in its armies, without regar d to distinction of 
color, the full protection of the laws of war, and that any 
vio'ation of these laws or of the usuages of civilized na- 
tions in the time of war by the rebels now in arms should 
be made the subject of full and prompt redress. 

Mesolved, That the foreign immigration which in the 
past has added so much to the wealth and development of 
resources and increase of power to this nation, the asylum 
of the oppressed of all nations, should be fostered and en. 
couraged by a liberal and just policy 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 93 

Resolved, That wc :ire in favoi' of tho speedy construe^ 
tion of tlic railroad to tlie Pacific. 

liesolved, Tliat tho national faith pledged for the redemp- 
tion of the public debt, must be kept inviolate, and that for 
this purpose we recommend cconora}^ and rigid responsi- 
bility in the public expenditures, and a vigorous and just 
sj'stem of taxation ; that it is the duty of every loyal state 
to sustain tho credit and promote the use of tho national 
currency. 

liesolved, That we approve the position taken by tho 
government that the people of the United States can never 
regard with indifference the attempt of any European 
power to overthrow by force or to supplant by fraud the 
institutions of an}' republican government on the Western 
Continent, and that they will view with extreme jealousy 
as menacing to the peace and .independence of this our 
country, the efforts of any such power to obtain new foot- 
holds for monarchial governments sustained by a foreign 
military force in near proximity to the United States. 

Upon the news of his nomination being presented to 
Mr. Lincoln on the following day he made this charac 
teristic acceptance : 

Gentlemen : I can only say in response to the remarks 
of yoar chairman, I suppose, that I am very grateful for 
the renewed confidence which has been accorded to me, 
both by the convention and by the National League. I 
am not insensible at all to the personal compliment there 
is in this, yet I do not allow myself to believe that any 
but a small portion of it is to bo appropriated as a personal 
compliment. The convention and the nation, I am assured, 



94 THE LIFE OP 

are alike animated by a higher view of the interests of the 
country for the present and the great future, and that part 
I am entitled to appropi'iate as a compliment, is onl}' that 
part which I ma}' lay hold of as being the opinion of the 
convention and of the league — that I am not unworthy to 
be intrusted with the place I have occupied for the last 
three years. I have not permitted myself, gentlen^cn, to 
conclude that I am the best man in the country; but i am 
reminded in this conncc ion of a storj'- of an old Dutch 
farmer, who remarked to a companion once, that " it was 
not best to swap horses when crossing streams." 

The laughter and applause which followed these re- 
marks told the President he had not judged amiss of the 
cheerful confiding mood in which the momination had 
been made by the Convention. Gov. Andi-ew Johnson, of 
Tennessee, has associated with him in the ticket as can- 
didate for Vice-President. 

But the Radicals had nominated Gen. Fremont, and 
were determined to carry him. It was only when Mr. 
Lincoln, in order to place himself above the ordinary am- 
biguity of party platforms, issued his message " To whom 
it may Concern," that the Eadicals at once forsook the 
leader they had chosen, and ranged themselves under the 
banner of " Lincoln, Union, and Liberty ! " His message 
declared that Union was impossible without slavery was 
exterminated. The time had come. Mr. Lincoln fol- 
lowed it with reluctance, fearing that public opinion was 
not yet ripe. But he is not a day too soon. Even the 
Democracy have declared for Union. The question, there- 
fore, is, whether we shall have a Union free from a system 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 95 

which has continuall .-, and still threatens its existence, or 
one which shall bo open to the same sad experiences we 
have already undergone. It' the South know its own in- 
terest, knew how much it has lost by its refusal to om- 
ploy*maehinery and to manulacture cottons on the same 
spot where the staple was cultivated, it would come in at 
once and end the war. If the North knew that with the 
preservation of slavery, even with changed owners, the 
latter would soon become pro-slavery men, and renew tho 
conflict of systems and interests over again, it would be- 
come anti-slavery at once, and join with us in elevating 
to the chief-magistracy the only man who has shown him- 
self to be equal to the crisis — Abraham Lincoln, of Illi- 
nois. Let the event speak for itself. 

There are now but two parties — those for the Union as 
it was, and those for the Union as it should be. 

Let the choice be made. 

Before bringing this biography to a close, it may not 
be unintei'esting to give an account of the famous Bogus 
Proclamation of President Lincoln, the secret history of 
which has never before been published. 

On the 14th of May last, the Metropolitan Record, of New 
York, published a bogus proclamation of Jefferson Davis 
to the people of the North, of which the following is a 
copy: 

PROCLAMATION OF JEFFERSON DAVIS TO THE PEOPLE OF 
THE UNITED STATES. 

[We shall not vouch for the authenticity of the tollow- 
ing proclamation, particularly at a time when dubious 
documents considered reliable are given almost daily to 



96 THE LIFE OP 

the public by the Secretary of the AVar Department. — Ed. 
Metropolitan EIecord. 

It is now three years since it was announced, that sixty 
days would be sufficient to compel the Southern States to 
return to that Union, from which they had deliberately 
severed all connection. It is needless to enter into a 
review or consideration of the causes that led to this step 
on their part. They are already familiar to the world. 
We base our claim to self-government within the limits ot 
an independent Confederacy, on the principles of the 
Revolution of Sevent3^-six, which established the Sover- 
eignty of the State, as well as the freedom of the people. 

My object in addressing j^ou at the present time, is to 
stay, if possible, the further effusion of blood. You must 
be convinced at the end of three years strife, that the sub- 
jugation of the South is an impossibility, and that a 
further prolongation of the war is a criminal expenditure 
of life and treasure. 

Upon your decision the question of peace or war now 
rests. The independence of the South is a matter of 
history, and its people have established in the eyes of the 
world their claim to a separate national existence. 

The Southern Confederacy has been called into being by 
the will of the Southern people, and he who now addresses 
you is their freely chosen President, elected, not by a 
minority, but by a majority of their votes. In thus ex- 
pressing his desire for peace he is but acting in accordance 
with the dictates of humanity. Enough blood has been 
shed to satisfy even the most sanguinary, and in proposing 
a suspension ot hostilities, an armistice, I am but com- 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 97 

plying with the wishes of ti portion of our people as ex- 
pressed in the act of the Legislature of Georgia for the 
ostablishmcnt of peace on what it is to be hoped will prove 
a satisfactory and permanent basis. 

Shall this war bo stopped or shall it continue? Upon 
your answer depends the issue. 

This was doubtless intended by the editor as a bit of 

that Irish humor for which he is noted. It excited no 

attention. In a parrallel column giving an account of 

military affairs at the time when Grant was battling at 

Spottsylvania Court-house, occur these words: 

Wednesday Night. 
We cannot resist the conviction that the Army of the 
Potomac has met with disaster. The extravagant heading 
in largo tvpo with which the daily papers abound of 
"VICTOR\ !" "GLORIOUS SUCCESS!" "TOTAL DE- 
FEAT OF LEE I" do not Aveigh with us. We have care- 
fully lifted the immense mass of tangled and contradictory 
dispatches which have thus far come to hand, and we 
deliberately arrive at the conclusion, that until a totally 
difierent account shall have been placed before the public, 
General Grant has been defeated. 

It Avill be seen that these two extracts contain the 
germs of tliat, which Joseph Howard a few dayt^ after- 
wards elaborated into a bogus proclamation of Mr. Lincoln. 

The paper containing them was handed to Howard, who 
upon looking them over as/ced what might be the effect if 
Mr. Lincoln in a message to the peopldfeO^cknowledged 
Grant's defeats, and appointed a day of public fasting and 
prayer. lie was assured that it would cause a universal 
feeling of depression at the North, and of course would 
effect the stock and gold markets. 

The three days afterwards, the following document 



98 THE LIFE OP 

nppciircd in the Now York World and Journal of Com- 
merce : 

Executive Mansion, May 17, 1864. 
Fellow-Citizensof the United States: 

111 all seasons of exigency, it becomes a nation carefully 
to scrutinize its line of conduct, humbly to approach the 
Throne of Grace, and meekly to implore forgiveness, wis- 
dom, and guidance. 

For reasons known only to Him it has been decreed that 
this country should be the scene of unparalleled outrage, 
and this nation the monumental sufferer of the nineteenth 
centur3^ With a heavy heart, but an undimnished confi- 
dence in our cause, 1 approach the performance of a duty 
rendered imperative by my sense of weakness before the 
Almighty and of justice to the people. 

It is not necessary that I should tell you that the first 
Virginia campaign under Lt. Gen. Grant, in whom I have 
every confidence, and whose courage and fidelity the 
people do well to honor, is virtually closed. He has con- 
ducted his great enterprise with discreet ability. He has 
inflicted great loss upon the eneln3^ He has crippled their 
strength, and defeate-l their plans. 

In view, however, of the situation in Virginia, the dis- 
aster at lied Kiver, the delay at Charleston, and the gen- 
eral state of the countiy, I, Abraham Lincoln, do hereby 
recommend that Thursday, the 2Gth day of May, A. d., 
18G4, be solemlyset apart throughout these United States, 
as a day of fiisting, humiliation and prayer. 

Deeming, furthermore, that the present condition of 
public affairs presents an extraordinary occasion, and in 
viuw of the pending expiration of the service of (JOl),UOU) 
one hundred thousand of our troops, I, Abraham Lincoln, 
President of the United States, by virtue of the power 
vested in me by tlie Constitution and the laws, have 
thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the 
citizens of the United States between the ages of (18) 
eight en and (45) forty-five years, to the aggregate num- 
ber of (40l),0UJj four hundred thousand, in order to sup- 
press the existing rebellious combinations, and to cause 
tiie due execution of the laws. 

Antl furthermore, in case uuy State or number of States 
shull i'ail to furnish by the fitleenih day of June next, their 



ABRAHAM 1 INCOLN. 99 

assii^ned quota, it is hereby ordered tliat the same be 
rai-<cd by an immediate and peremptory draft. 

The details tor this object will be communicated to the 
State atitliorities tlirough tlie War Department. 

I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid 
thiscll'ort to mantain the honor, the integrity, and the 
existence of our National Union, and the perpetuity of 
popular government. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and 
caused the seal of the United States to be aflixed. 

Done at the City of Washington, this Seventeenth day 
of May, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hun- 
dred and sixty-four, and of the Independence of the United 
States, the eighty-eight. (Signed,) ABIIAIIAM LINCOLN. 
By the President. 

William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

This production was at once stigmatized as a forgery, 
but not before it had caused a serious decline in gold and 
blocks, by Avhich, it is presumed, Howard made largo 
protits. 

The Secretary of State, upon being informed of its ap- 
pearance in the World and Journal of Commerce, addressed 
the following despatch to the Associated Press : 

Dkpautment op State, ") 

Washington, May 18th, 18G4. j 

TO THE PUBLIC. 

A paper purporting to be a proclamation of the Presi- 
dent, countersigned b}- the Secretary of State, and bear- 
ing date the 17th day of May, is reported to this Depart- 
ment as having appeared in the New York World of this 
date. Tills paper is an absolute fo; geiy. No proclama- 
tion of this kind, or any other, has been made, or propo- 
sed to be made, by the PresiiJent, or issued, or proposed 
to be issued by the State Department, or any other De- 
partment of this Government. 

William II. Seward, Secretary of State. 

The New York papers offered a thousand dollars ro- 



IQQ THE LIFE OF 

wtu-d for the (liscoveiy of the offending party or parties, 
and U. S. Marshal Murray was axithorized to offer five 
hundred dolhirs additional for the messenger who deliv- . 
ered the copies of the bogus proclamation at the offices of 
the daily papers. But the matter did not rest here. 

The papers which had published it were suppressed, 
and vigorous efforts made to discover its author. These 
efforts^-esulted in the apprehension of Joseph Howard, 
one ot the editors of the Brooklyn Eagle, a well known 
Jiteratcur in New York. Howard immediately confessed 
his guilt, and was sent to Fort Lafayette, and the World 
',.x^il\urnalof Commerce having satisfactorily shown they 
had published it innocently, were released. A few months 
afterwards Howard Avas also set at liberty. 

Thus ended the history of this famous forgery. 
We have now traced Mr. Lincoln's life through a great 
variety of vicissitudes, and brought it down to the pres- 
ent eventful times. 

He is now before the American people for re-election. 
His record is familiar to them. It contains many errors, 
many mistakes, many shortcomings, but not one blot. 

I he has erred, it has been from those infirmities which 
ure common to all men. But, strike a fair balance, and 
there remains to Mr. Lincoln's credit an unfaltering pat- 
riotism, clear good sense, unblemished honesty, untiring 
devotion, and unmistakable earnestness of purpose. 

W th these merits, which have shed lustre upon his ad- 
ministration during four years of such trial that few pub- 
lic men creditably survive, he stands before the nation 
whicli he has preserved through many perils, for its en- 
dorsement and its suffrages. 



Tllli END. 



DAWLEY'S TEN-PENNY NOVELS— NO. 1. 

THE TWO RIVALS; OR, MAN AND MONEY! 

FROM THE FRENCH OF EMILE SOUVESTRE. 



The very name of French novel may conjure up ideas equally alarm- 
ing with that of French cookery. Whether we shall be regaled with 
" fillet of a fenny snake," instead of fillet of sole ; whether an oyster-fed 
cat can be ingeniously made to represent rabbit; or a poodle nourished 
on sponge-cake transformed into the similitude of a pheasant. Admit- 
ting that much French literature is, like sausage-rolls, light and disap- 
pointing ; granting that Dumas is wild, Paul de Kock licentious, and Sue 
too often prolific of horrors, it by no means follows that the same soil 
which sends forth bristle and brier, may not breed celandine and daisy. 

i57iWLEV'S TEN-PENNY JVOVKLs. — NO. 2*. 

DARE-DEVIL DICK; OR, THE CURSE OF GOLD! 

A STORY OF LAND AND SEA, 

This is a most singular story of a young man who was cursed by the 

tower of gold, having had an immense fortune placed to his credit in a 
ank, by a my.sterious individual unknown to him; after which he be- 
came associated with gamblers and bad men, liy whom he became in- 
volved in a duel, was wounded, became a wanderer, was impressed into 
the British navy, where bis career commences as DARE-DEVIL DICK, 
a dauntless sailor, and one of the most daring, we might say reckless, 
fighting men in the British navy, through whose means the ''Santissima" 
a Spanish corvett'^, was captured, loaded with an amount of doubloons, 
moidores, and pieces of Eight, that would be astonishing even to the peo- 
ple of our own day. 

DAWLEYjTEH-PEMH Y HOVELS-NO. 3-lH PRESS. 

"the FREEBOOTER'S PRIZE ! 

A TALE OF THE OCEAN. 

The above tale is one of the most truthful and exciting which has ever 
characterized the adventures of any Past Middy of the British navy. The 
adventurer leaving home in comparative poverty ; his enlistment upon 
a war-vessel ; his desertion; joining his fortune upon tho deck of a pi- 
rate ; his re-desert!on ; his next appearance upon a merchantman ; the 
merchantman's fight with the pirate; the Quaker Captain; the Captain 
de juerre ; his tremendous fighting ; the chase ; final capture of the pi- 
rate, and marriage of the liero, concludes one of the most daring tales 
that has ever been recorded upon paper, and which excites the admira- 
tion of all. 

T. E-. DA^VLEY, Publisher, 

13 & 15 Park Row, New York. 



DAWLEY'S TEN-PEIVNY SONG BOOKS. 



No. 1. -BALL ADS OF THE WAR. 

CONTENTS: 



God Save Our Nation, 14 

Flag of the Constellation, 15 

War Song, IG 

He Sleeps where he Fell, 17 

The Red Stain on the Leaves, 18 
Follow the Drum, 18 

The Dying Soldier, 19 

Northmen Come Out, 21 

Our Conntry is Calling, 22 

The Soldier's Mother, 23 

The Dead Drummer Boy, 24 

The Soldier's Good-Bye, 25 

The Volunteer's Wife to Her 

Husband, 27 

Kiss me. Mother, and let me go, 26 
A Mother's Answer, " I have 

Kissed him and let him go 30 
The Soldier's Dream of Home, 32 
The Response, 33 

Gone to the War, 34 

Gently! Gently I 35 

]\laroh Along, 35 

The Last Broadside, 37 

The Patriot Girl to Her Lover, 38 



The Fallen Soldier, 39 

Roll Call, 40 
The Union — Right or Wrong, 41 

News from the War, 42 

Song of the Soldier, 44 

Our Union and Our Flag. 45 

Tiie Two Furrows, 47 
Shall Freedom Droop and Die ? 48 
To the I\Ien of the North and 

West, 50 

Across the Lines, 51 

The Captain's Wife, 53 

Move on the Column, 55 

The Soldier's Sweetheart, 57 

Carte De Visite, 59 

The Battle Summer, 61 

The Rainy Day in Camp, 61 

Tiie Cavalry Charge, 64 

Lyon, 66 

March, 67 

On Guard, 69 

Coming Home, 70 

After AH, 71 



No. 2.-BALLADS 


OF THE SOUTH 


. 


CONTENTS: 




A Cry to Arms, 


40 


Sweethearts and the War, 


45 


Another Yankee Doodle, 


60 


Southern Song, 


64 


A Southern Gathering Song, 


59 


The Battle of Bethel Church, 


20 


Battle Ode to Virginia, 


41 


The South in Arms, 


22 


Call All! Call All! 


23 


The Martyr of Alexandria, 


25 


Confederate Song, 


44 


True to his Name, 


28 


Dixie, 


26 


The Star of the West, 


29 


Fort Sumter, 


33 


The Tories of Virginia, 


30 


Flight of Doodles, 


42 


There's Nothing Going Wrong 


,36 


God Save the South, 


21 


The Despot's Song, 


50 


Justice is our Panoply, 


52 


The Southern War Song, 


62 


Lincoln's Inaugural Address, 


54 


The Call of Freedom, 


55 


Maryland, 


37 


The Soldier Boy, 


58 


Manassas, 


62 


Tlie Stars and Bars, 


67 


Our Braves in Virginia, 


69 


War Syng, 


49 


Rebels, ' 


35 


What the South Winds Say, 


18 


Song of the Southern Soldier, 


48 


War Song, 


32 


Southern Song of Freedom, 


17 


We Come ! We Come ! 


46 


Southern Song, 


24 


Yankee Vandals, 


66 


Southern War Cry, 


28 







Pric« 10 ctg. T. R. DAWIiEY, Publisher, 13 & 15 Park Row, N. Y. 



Lfawieys uamp ana I'lreside Library— No 1. 

INCIDENTS 




BEING EVENTS WHICH HAVE ACTUALLY TAKEN PLACE 
DURING THE PRESENT REBELLION. 



iD escape. 

t Maryland Unionist. 

'hf snak^-hunters of Western VirgiBii 

okinir on the battle-field. 

►n nqiisitive rebel. 

oki 1,- on the battle-field. 

'allfi)rnia Joe at his work. 

>n exciting incident »f picket Ufa. 

"he wr ng way. 

'.i]Bin, the scout. 

»ni>lher picket story 

. pictures<iue rebel army. 

irmnming a coward out of ckmp. 

accination in the army, 
iebels caught in their own trap. 
'ould'nt stanl il 
> demijohn drilled, and spiked. 
.n incident ot the Williamsburg battle, 
'learing the battle-field. 
, Yankee trick in Milsouri. 

These are my sons." 

The spirit of '76." 

ji incident of the battle of the forts. 
eenes beiwe-^n pickets. 
tztrairdinary telegraphic strategy. 



CONTENTS « 

Hurst, the Tenness-e sco\)t. 
The rebels and the telegraph. 
%. Preserving the Constitution. 

.*^cene at a New York recruiting offloe. 

Daring adventure by Union soldiers. 

Death scene of ('aptain John Gr swold. 

Burn-iide and the finherman. 

D ubbuig a prisoner. 

The dying soldier. 

Miss Taylor in v amp Dick Robinson. 

A female spy. 

Who wa.s she 7 

A cainri of females at Island No. Ten. 

The drummer-boy of Marblehead. 

The Massachusetts i^ixth in Baltimore. 

What they all need. 

Oen. Met, all's first escape. 

Probable tragic close of an erentftil career. 

Kebel practices. 

Another female sece h. 

The burning of cott n. 

Take your choii-e, madam. 

An K. K.V. outwitted by a Chicago Fire ZouaT< 

" Not unless they lay down their arms." 

Remembered and mourned. 



Dawley's Camp and Fireside Library— No. 2. 



OR, 



ri^E] oxjtHj.^'w^^s oiEiiHii: 



A Wild and Singular Story. 



The scenes of this strange story are laid in California, commencing some years bef 
»e gold mines were discovered, and brought to the time "when mobs and marders wi 
s plentifal as golden slags ;" when gamblers were reckoned right and proper men, n 
ambling hells were the saloons of fashion, and men of mind, manners and money amih 
aemselves therein ; when theatres outnumbered churches, and play-books, Bibles; wh 
oartezans were the acknowledged leaders of ton ; when San Francisco rivaled her el* 
iflters, both of the Old and New World, in her bowers of pleasure — for here was thegn 
ncleus of splendor and gratification in every sense. Fortunes were made in a sin;,'l(; di 

en who had made fortunes in the mines came here. What wonder, then, if crime jost! 
rime in the streets, What wonder if fraud throve in the mart of opulence, or that m 
ight brawls disturhprl tlm repose of the few who tried to be jnst. 

Then arose the Vigilance '-'oramittee, taking judgment into their own hands, when t 
nivering bodies ol nagiaut offenders, swung from the wide windows of the Commiti 
looms in Battery Street, an awful example of tin dues of evil. 

Price — 15 Cents, each namber. Mailed, postpaid, or foar <-opi«'i« I 
Al cents. 



T. R. DAWLEY, Publisher, 

13 and Ifi Park Row N. 



. ..rk. 



LITTLE MA.C 



Price, - - ' - 

T. K. Dawley, Publisher, 13 & 15 Park Itow, N. York, 
CONTENTS. 

THE DBMOCKATIC CREED— Air : *' A Man 's a man for a' of that." 

HURliAY FOR McCi.ELLAN— Air : " "Wait for the Wagon." 

THE VISION OF ABE lilNCOl.N.— After Leigh Hunt. 

ABRAM, LOVER OF MY— SMELL.— Air : " When the Swallows Homeward Fly." 

UNCLE ABE 'S " SPRINGFIELD LETTER."— Air : Not yet found. 

McCLELLAN THE HOPE OF THE NATION.— Air : " Red, White and Blue," 

ABRAHAM'S BROTHERLY LOVE.— Air : To be looked for. 

-JHE BLESSINGS OF PEACE. 

LITTLE MAC IS THE MAN.— Air : " The Green Flag." 

ALL FOR THE NIGGER.— Air : «' Home of the Brave." 

THE WAGES OF WAR. 

McCLELLAN MUST STAND AT THE HELM.— Air : " Araby'a Daughter." 

ABE'S BROTHER OF NEGRO DESCENT.— Air : In search of a tune. 

OLD ABE'S LAST PROCLAMATION.— Air : The tune the old cow died on. 

DO I LOVE OLD ABE OR NO.— Air : Known when found. 

McCLELLAN AND THE UNI( )N.— Air : '« 'i he Flag of our Union." 

ABE'S MILITARY ADVANCES. 

THE SHODDY BRIGADIER— Air : " When I can Shoot my Rifle Clear." 

A NATION'S PRAYER FOR PEACE.— Air : " Isle of Beauty Fare thee Well." 

FATHER ABRAHAM'S " LAST CALL."— Air : *' The Reconciliation." 

AN ODE TO OLD ABE.— Air : " The other side of Jordan." 

«' NIGGER ON THE BRAIN."— Air : " The Lunatic Asylum." 

OLD ABE'S INVITATION.— Air : " Bruce's Addiess." 

LET McCLELLAN COMMAND. 

THE CONSCRIPT'S WARNING TO OLD ABE.— Air: ««We're Coming Father 

Abraham " 
McC LELLAN FIGHTS FOR OUR FL.VG.— Air : " Lightly May the Boat Flow." 
THE LOYAL REFUGEE. —Air: "Oh I Susannah." 
THE ODIOUS INCOME TAX. 

OH! CUSS I'HEDAUNED REBELLION.— Air: «' Susan White." 
WE WILL BE TRUE TO McCLELLAN STILL.— Air : " Gay and Happy." 
McCLELLAN THE MASTER GENIUS. 
ABRAM'S "MARRY BUT ONE."— Air: (hymn,) "From Whom all Blessings 

Flow" 
NEGROES ENTREATED BY THE MERCIES OF ABE.— Air : "Come yo Sinners." 
WHEN ABE'S FOUR YEARS ARE O ViOR.— Air : "When This Cruel War is Over. " 
McCL ;i LAN S NAM", WK HAIL.- Air : " America. ' 
OLD ABl. IN— JUSTIFIED. 
AN EPI i APII FOR OLD ABE. 

HURRAY F( )R THE MAN 1 HAT WE LOVE.— Air : «' Vive L' Amour." 
LINCOLN WRI IT IN DOWN AN ASS— AN ACROSTIC. 
WHILE ABRAHAM RKlGNS— L. M.— Air : ' Crown Him King of All." 
ABRAHAM THK NIGGt;K S ICING —Air : He Shal Forever Roign. 
ABRAHAM. AIN'T IT SO !— Air : John Anderson My Jo John. 
HA L TO McCLELLAN.— Air : Hail to the Chief. 
DARKIiS, ABE SAYS HERE'S ROOM.— Air : And yet here is Room, 
HOW CAN WK PRAISE OLD ABE.— Air : The President s Hymn. 
COPPERHEAD—" PAYMENT.' —Air : Green Grow the Rushes O ! 
THi) BAYONET AND THE BALLOT.— Air : Coming rhro' the Bye. 
BEECIIi- R a.ND CHicEVER.— An Ode for Music- The Air not yet found, except 

that which proceeds from the Nigger. 
McCLEI.,L A N S DUE —Air : Pro Rege Soepe, pro Patria Semper. 
'^BES DOODLE.— Air: Yankee Doodle. 
THE CONS ITTU ITON AS 1 v IS— THE UNION AS IT WAS.— Aix : To bo found 

in every true heart. 



tili>»j>i 



NOTICE TO THE TRADE. 



We desire to call the attention of the Trade to our series of 
!hei'ip Publications— which we propose to offer at such prices 
s will "astonish the Natives'' — as we do our own printing and 
ell direct to the Dealer — we know we can offer sucli induce- 
lent and sell much lower tlian any other Publisher in the 
iountry. We are now publishing the following series, and 
arious miscellaneous Works : 

SERIAL W^OKKS. 

•AWLEY'S CAMP AND FIRESIDE LIBRARY, 15 Cents. 
DAWLEY'S TENPENNY NOVELS, 

DAWLEY'S TENPENNY SONG BOOKS, 
DAWLEY'S THREEPENNY TOY BOOKS. 
I TALES OP MURDERS AND MURDERERS, 10 Cts. 

MISCELLAIVEOUS. 
'LD ABE'S JOKES, Kresh from Abraham's Bosom, 35 Cents. 
THE SILVER SPRING, a new Sabbath School Songster, 20c. 
CRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF THE REBELLION, 5Uc. 
FERRINES NEW WAR MAP, 30 Cents. 
MRS. CROWEN'S COOKERY BOOK, $1.75. 

THE LIFE OP GEO. B. McCLELLAN, 25 Cents. 
THE GEM COOK BOOK, 25 Cents. 

NEWSPAPERS OF YE OLDEN TIMES, from 
r04 to 1813,— 10 Cents. 

Others in Press, which will be announced as soon as ready. 
The Book and Periodical Trade have long felt the 

int of a series of Cheap Puitlications to retail at prices within the 
ach of all, and, at the same time, sold to the Dealer at such prices as 
ill enable him to make a fair and liberal profit. Heretofore the 
(vest priced Works have beon sold at such rates that the profits to the 
!aler were exceedingly small, and the sadden rise in paper caused the 
iblisher to raise the price to the Trade, tlius making the Dealer pay 
e advance. The object of the Publisher of Dawley's New Series is 
place in the hands of the Trade a Series of JJooks that will sell, and 
ord a profit tliat will amply repay them for their efforts in pushin"- 
3 sale of the same. 

Wholesale descriptive price list sent on application. Agents 
n have a complete assortment of the above Books sent on re- 
iptof$25 upon which they can more than double their money. 

T. R. r)AWLB:Y, Publisher, 

13 and 15 Park Row, N. Y. 



i""***^«iiitiU* "«*"*»*****' 




[OLD ABE -WrTHOrT HIS WEISKEBB.] 



A RARE BOOK. 



OLD ABH JOKES 



FRESH FROM 

ABRAHAM'S BOSOM, 

Comprising all of lii.s Issues 
ccpting tlie "Greenbacks" 
to call in some of wliicit 
this A^'orlc is issued. 



CONTENTS. 



Father Abraham's Boyhood— Pots aud 
KettTos, HutcU Ovens, Frying Pans, 
^30] ''s Fables, Kiiil-Splitting, &c. 

An Englishman's Portrait of Old Abe. 

The Prtsiilent on Grant s New Sword. 

An American's Portrait of Lincoln. 

A Wiioie Nitger. 

Old Abe consulting the Spirit. 

Too Cuhi.sed Dirty. 

Old Abe on Bayonets. 

Old Abe as a Mathematician. 

Lincoln and the Wooden-Legged Amateur. 

Old Abe and the Blasted Powder. 

Lincoln teaches the Boldiera how to Sur- 
render Arms. 

Abe's Curiosity. 

Lincoln Agreeably Disappointed. 

Lincoln aud the Secesh Lady. 

Old Al)e"8 Story ot New Jersey. 

Succoring a Contraband. 

OH Soldiers. 

Lincoln and Col. Weller. 

Mrs. Lincoln's Bonnet. 

Honest Abe's Replies. 

Lincoln's Metallic Ring. 

The Presidential Hymn of Thanks. 

What Old Abe .says of Tennessee. 

Old Abe a Coward. 

Tlie President and the Patriotic Darkey. 

Abe's Atl'air of Honor. 

Abraham Advises the Sprigs. 

Lincoln vs. Water Cure 

&c., A' , .' kc, Ac, 



The Negro in a Hogshead. 

That what Skeered't-m so Bad. 

The Presi'tent and tlie Wounded RebC' 

A Pedlar made to eat his own Pies. 

Got the Itch. 

Old Abe occasionally browses around, 

Mr. Lincoln and the Nigger Barber. 

Abe on the Compromise. 

Old Abe ajtpoints a General. 

The I'res dent on tl-.c "' Mud." 

Lincoln on his Cabinet Helps. 

Lincoln's Advice. 

A Practical Joke. 

Old Abe's on his Tod. 

Pluck to the Toe-Nail. 

Lincoln and the Lost Apple. 

Old Abe on Temperance. 

Uncle Abe and the Judge. • 

Mince Pies vs. Tracts. 

The Nigger and the Small Pox. 

Why Lincoln did'nt Stop the War. 

Lincoln's Estimate of the 'Honoi's.'' 

Abe's Long Legs. 

The President on Banks. 

Oil Abe's Noble Saying. 

1 Mean Old Abe. 

Abe aud the D'Stance to the Capitol, 

T. R. Strong, but Coffee are Stronger. 

Abraham tells a Story. 

Why Lincoln Ajjpointed Fremont. 

Old Abe on the Congre.><smen. 

Where Abe said it had gone. 

Etc., Etc., Etc, Etc., Etc. 



ydd by ''-ooksellers and Newsdealers, Everywhere 

i®»~ bient by Mail postpaid, on receipt of 35 Cents "^^ 

T. R. DAWLEY, Publisher, 
^\\ 13 & 15 Park Row, N. V. 



\\ 



S^" An iiiiTiSTi9,l_,IDi»cO;n 



STi9,l_ Difficoruat to, >,ij 



Trade. 



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